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Editor: LYON G. TYLER, M. A., LL. D. 


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Richmond, Va. 




©narterl? Ibtetorical flDagasine. 

Vol. XXII. JULY, 1913. No. 1. 



By E. I. Miller, Chico, California. 

The name "Committee of Correspondence" is familiar to every 
reader of American Revolutionary history. That familiarity, 
however, is' usually limited to a few facts connected with the 
use made of such a committee by Samuel Adams and his co- 
workers to organize a local government in Massachusetts, Novem- 
ber, 1772; and by the colonial assemblies 1 in 1773 and 1774 to 
secure united action in dealing with England, and to call the 
Continental Congress into being. It is much less generally known 
that at an earlier date committees for somewhat similar purposes 
were suggested or organized in various colonies. 2 At the time 
of the Stamp Act agitation several colonies had such committees.' 
But that Virginia as early as 1759 had a "committee of correspon- 
dence" -which was a very active and long-lived body seems to 
have attracted little attention, though the records of that com- 
mittee have been accessible for several years. The purpose of 
this paper is to present a brief history of the organization and 
work of the Virginia committee of correspondence from 1759 
to 1770. 

1 On the suggestion of Richard Henry Lee, Virginia appointed such 
a committee March 12, 1773, and all the -other colonies save Pennsyl- 
vania followed the example by April, 1774. (See Collins, Rept of Am. 
Hist Assoc. 1901, I, 250-52.) 

* Collins, Edw. D. An. Rept. Am. Hist. Assoc 1001, I, 246. 

•Howard, Geo. E., Preliminaries of the Revolution (Am. Nat. Ser.), 
114, 131, 132. 

2 William and Mary Quarterly 

Contrary to the customary use of committees of correspon- 
dence, that of communicating with other colonies, the work of the 
first Virginia committee was almost entirely devoted to cor- 
respondence with the mother country. Therefore, before discuss- 
ing the organization of the committee it is necessary briefly to 
review the methods by which the Virginia legislature carried 
on business with the English government through agents. 

Virginia did not differ from the other colonies in its develop- 
ment of the idea of dealing with the home government through 
agents. In the earlier period occasional special representatives 
were sent to England to accomplish certain specific objects, e. g., 
when the council deposed Governor Harvey in 1635 and sent 
him to England under charges, two special agents were sent to 
present the charges and defend the action of the council and of 
the burgesses who supported the council; George Sandys was 
sent in 1639 in respect to the renewal of the charter to the old 
London Company; Colonel Moryson was sent in 1666 to care 
for the general interests of the colony; Ludwell and Smith were 
sent to secure a new charter in 1675; in 1691 Blair was sent to 
secure a charter for William and Mary College, etc. This method 
of occasionally sending special agents continued until into the 
fatter half of the eighteenth century. 

The appointment of James Abercrombie as agent in January, 
1752-3, seems to have been for a more permanent and general 
duty than was given to those agents who preceded him. By direc- 
tion of the house of burgesses the governor made the appoint- 
ment. The agent represented both the governor and the assem- 
bly.* Nevertheless, in November, 1753, the burgesses proposed to 
send Peyton Randolph, the attorney general of the colony, to 
England to protest against the land patent fees charged by Gov- 
ernor Dinwiddie* and they voted to pay Randolph 2500 pounds for 
his services. The council had authorized the fees and of course 
objected to Randolph's appointment. 5 The burgesses sent him 
any how and forced the governor and council to appropriate 
money to pay his salary by attaching the item as a rider to a 

4 Jour, of Burg. (Feb., 1752), rig, 120, 123. 

•Jour, of Coun. as upper House, III, 46. Jour, of Burg, 82-5. 

William and Mary Quarterly 3 

grant of 20,000 pounds for the defense of the colony. As the 
French and Indian war was approaching, the governor and coun- 
cil swallowed their bitter medicine, accepted the 20,000 pounds 
for defense and allowed Randolph's salary to be paid. 

That an agent appointed by the governor was not long satis- 
factory is evidenced by the fact that in January, 1758-9 the 
assembly appointed Edward Montague, an English lawyer, as 
agent in England. From this time on the agent became the recog- 
nized authority of Virginia in England and came to have much 
power and responsibility. 8 From 1759 on the assembly dealt with 
ifs own agent, Montague, and to carry on the correspondence a 
"committee of correspondence" was created. This was a be- 
ginning of a "foreign office," so to speak, and during the early 
part of the trouble with the mother country over taxes that 
committee was the center of opposition to the oppressive measures 
of England. 

From what has already been said it is evident that the Vir- 
ginians had come to the conclusion that because the interests of 
England and English merchants were opposed to the interests of 
the Virginia colonists, it was necessary for the colonists to have 
a representative in England who would be under instructions 
from the colonists and work for their interests. Such an agent 
made necessary a committee to instruct and guide him and to 
whom he could make reports, therefore the committee of cor- 
respondence was organized. 

From the nature of the work required of the committee, its 
membership had to be selected with care. The members had to 
broad minded men, men who understood the economic and politi- 
cal conditions in the colony, who knew the English government, 
who had good judgment, and who were loyal to the cause of the 
people. That these facts were appreciated is evident when the 
personnel of the committee is considered. 

The committee as at first appointed in 1759 consisted of four 
councilors, and eight burgesses. In 1763 four others were added 
to the committee, making six councilors and ten burgesses. To 
one' familiar with Virginia history of that time a perusal of the 

• Dinwiddie Papers, I, 37, note. 

4 William and Mary Quarterly 

membership of the committee is sufficient to show that leaders 
were chosen for the work. 7 Of the six members of the council, 
three had been president of the council and ODe of these three had 
been secretary of state and the other two acting governor at vari- 
ous times. All had seen long public service. Of the ten burgesses 
two had held the office of speaker, one having been both speaker 
and treasurer of Virginia for twenty-eight years; two were later 
colony treasurer, one attorney general, and later was president of 
the revolutionary convention and of the continental congress, three 
others became members of the conventions ,and two others of the 
continental congress, one signed the Declaration of Independence, 

(one was a professor of law in William and Mary college, and 
another later became a judge of the Virginia Court of Appeals.* 
At least six of these burgesses were members of the house over 
fourteen years, while four of the six served 27, 30, 33, and 42 
years respectively. Experience, age, and long public service gave 
promise of wisdom in dealing with the mother country. 

The records of this committee were first brought to light about 
ten years ago by W. G. Stanard, Secretary of the Virginia His- 
torical Society and editor of the Virginia Magazine of History 
and Biography. They were printed for the first time in that 
magazine and are to be found in the volumes from IX to XII 
inclusive. The records are incomplete, but such as we have are 
exceedingly valuable. Little use has been made of them thus far, 
which indeed seems strange, for they are essential to any clear 
understanding of the revolution in Virginia, which was no incon- 
siderable part of the struggle. 

T The' councilors were Wm. Nelson, Thomas Nelson, Philip Grymes, 
Peter Randolph, and in 1763 John Blair and Robert Carter ; the burgesses 
were John Robinson, Peyton Randolph, Chas. Carter, Rich. Bland, Lan- 
don Carter, Ben. Waller, Geo. Wythe, RobL Carter Nicholas, and in 
1763, Lewis Burwell and Dudley Digges — Hening, VJI, 276-7, 375-7, 646-7; 
Va. Mag. of Hist., IX, 364, 355-8, notes; X, ZZ7- The assembly added 
others to the committee in 1763 and possibly at other times — Va. Mag. 
of Hist, XI, 854- 

8 Va. Mag. of Hist, IX., 355-8, notes; Wirt, Life of Patrick Henry, 

William and Mary Quarterly 5 

The committee organized May 2, 1758, with Councilor William 
Nelson as chairman. George Davenport was appointed clerk of the 
committee. Very early it adopted the plan sending three separate 
copies of its letters by different ships, so that one would be reason- 
ably sure to reach its destination. In a letter dated May 4, 1761, 
the committee refers to two copies of a letter as having been cap- 
turd by the enemy ; thus is seen the wisdom of their plan. 9 

The earliest work of the committee was general in its char- 
ter. It began its work in May, 1759, by asking the governor for 
copies of the letters written by Wm. Pitt on how to. apply to 
parliament for repayment of the money advanced in the war. 
These copies were to be sent to Montague, the agent, to guide him 
in securing Virginia's share. 10 The agent was further instructed 
to get the king's assent to an act of assembly to settle titles and 
boundaries of lands. 

It was feared the act appointing Montague as agent might be 
vetoed; for this reason the agent was directed not to show this 
act until it had been duly transmitted in the usual way by the 
governor to the lords of trade. The agent was then to use every 
effort to prevent the rejection of the act. To aid him in this 
the reasons for the appointment were to be sent to him. 11 Other 
instructions to the agent said he was to try to prevent any addi- 
tional duty on tobacco, and to get a copy of Governor Dinwiddie's 
dispositions of the 20,000 pounds granted by the crown to Vir- 

A sub-committee composed of Wm. Nelson, Thos. Nelson, 
John Robinson, and Peyton Randolph was directed to prepare a 
letter of 'instructions, but it seems the letter was not sent, for at 
a meeting on November 7, 1759, another sub-committee, on which 
Chas. Carter, Landon Carter and Rich. Bland took the places 
of the Nelsons, was appointed to draw up the letter, which, how- 
ever, was to be modified as to the tobacco 1 duty ( which had al- 
ready been laid) and as to keeping secret the act appointing the 

8 Va. Mag. of Hist., XL, 12, 18. 

10 Va. Mag. of Hist., X., 337-8- 

11 Va. Mag. of Hist, X, 339- 

6 William and Mary Quarterly 

agent. 12 The sub-committee was given additional instructions to 
explain the reasons for the act of assembly which enabled the 
Virginians to pay their tobacco debts in money for the ensuing 

The preparation of the letter itself was allowed to go over 
from day to day and finally bears date of December 12, 1759, 
though the first committee to write the letter was appointed May 
2, and the second, on November 7. The letter 13 is quite long 
(it covers twelve pages of print), and gives a good view of what 
was passing in the minds of the leaders 'in the colony. After tell- 
ing Montague of the act of April 14, 1759, by which he was ap- 
pointed agent and his salary fixed at 500 pound sterling per year, 
the letter gives the following as reasons for the appointment of an 
agent : 

The appointment of such an officer "to represent the Grievances of 
the People, to justify their Conduct to their Sovereign, to obtain his Ap- 
probation & Assent to such Laws as their Representatives shall think 
necessary for Welfare and good Government, to implore his Assistance 
in the time of Danger and Calamity, and to protect and explain their 
Rights & Interest in Parliament, seem to be the natural Privilege of all 
Colonies, so far removed from their King and Mother Country." 14 

The letter says that although the right to have an agent had 
been claimed and enjoyed by all the other colonies, heretofore 
Virginia had had the misfortune to have to depend on the agent 
appointed by the governor and council, which agent, because he 
lacked the weight which a representative of the whole legislature 
might have, was therefore inefficient. Besides as the branches of 
government sometimes disagreed, instructions from the governor 

12 Va. Mag. of Hist., XI, 10, 11, 12, 13. There seems to have been 
reason for the fear of opposition to the act appointing the agent, for Sir 
Mathew Lamb advised the board of trade and plantations that the act 
providing for Montague's appointment seemed to have been passed by 
but one house. This objection was removed by passing a similar act 
through both houses^ of the assembly. Sir Matthew Lamb also suggested 
that the appointment of the agent be made from year to year instead of 
for seven years, but this was contrary to instructions to the governors. 
It would seem, therefore, that the English authorities differed on this 
point. See Va. Mag. of Hist., XI, 16. 

13 Va. Mag. of Hist., X, 342-353- 
" Va. Mag. of Hist., X, 342. 

William and Mary Quarterly 7 

and council might deprive the body of the people of any repre- 
sentative. This made clear that the new agent was to be dis- 
tinctly the agent of that part of the legislature which was chosen 
by and which represented the people, viz. : the burgesses. 15 It 
distinctly recognized the fact, long since known to the colonists, 
that the economic and political interests of the mother country 
were not necessarily those of the colonies. Also it made clear that 
Virginia interests could be properly cared for only by some one 
whose sympathy as well as salary was directly connected to the 
colonial side. , 

The agent was informed that the committee of correspondence 
had been created to correspond with him and that he was to send 
his communications to them. He was directed to prevent the 
repeal of any acts passed by the assembly, the reasons for passing 
them having been furnished by the committee, and to follow the 
acts through the various boards to which'they might be referred. 
He was to report promptly to the committee any move in parlia- 
ment or elsewhere that concerned Virginia, and to use his best 
endeavors to protect Virginia rights. 16 

The letter follows out the instructions given to the committee 
at an earlier time that it was to direct the agent to get the king's 
assent to laws regarding land titles and unlawful hunting, to 
secure repayment of money advanced by Virginia during the war 
and to get a copy of Governor Dinwiddie's report on the disposi- 
tion of the 20,000 pound war fund. Then follows an explana- 
tion intended to help the agent to remove the dissatisfaction of 
the English merchants due to issuing paper money and making 
it legal tender for sterling debts. This money had been issued in 
full recognition of the variation of the rates of exchange and 
threfore was considered as giving complete justice to the mer- 
chants. 17 That the merchants were not convinced by the argu- 

15 True a part of the committee were councilors appointed by the 
king or the governor, but even the council was much influenced by the 
people. The burgesses controlled the committee. 

16 Va. Mag. of Hist, X, 343, 353. 

17 Still further argument as promised in the letter to the agent (X, 
347) was given in a paper enclosed with the letter. For enclosure see, 
XI. i-t 

8 William and Mary Quarterly 

ments of the committee is evident by the fact that in May, 1763, 
the governor addressing the assembly which he had called to- 
gether told them of the dissatisfaction and the danger of failure on 
the part of the assembly. That body decided to repeal the insolvent 
law passed at the preceding session, but said no further action was 
needed in regard to redemption of paper money. 18 The lords 
of trade seem to have been convincd by the committee for they 
resolved not to interfere with the paper money then in circula- 
tion. 19 In an address to the governor, the assembly said the 
colonists' dependence on Great Britain' was not that of a sub- 
jugated people, but of sons sent out to settle a new world, "for 
the mutual Benefit of themselves and their common Parent/' 20 
A letter of June 16, 1763, sent by the committee of correspon- 
dence to the agent said a part of the agitation on the paper money 
question was due to those who had speculated and, having taken 
advantage of high prices during the war, now wanted to reap 
more profit by abolishing the legal tender quality of paper and 
thus getting lower exchange. 21 There was probably some truth 
in this, though no doubt English merchants did sometimes suffer 
injustice from colonial laws. 

Fully half the letter 22 is devoted to the opposition of the 
ministers of the gospel to the "Two Penny Act/' by which their 
salaries might be paid in money instead of in tobacco. In the dis- 
cussion of this question, the ministers, led by Rev. John Camm, 
professor of divinity and later president of William and Mary 
College, were accused of abusing and misrepresenting the legis- 
lature, and injuring the country. 23 But for the purposes of this 

18 Va. Mag. of Hist., XI, 345-9 and note. 

19 Va. Mag. of Hist., XII, 11. 

20 Ibid., 346, note. 

21 Va. Mag. of Hist., XI, 348. 

22 Va. Mag. of Hist., X, 347-53, note 353"<?- 

23 Va. Mag. of Hist., X, 347: The "Parsons' Cause" which started 
Patrick Henry on his career as an attorney and orator was a case grow- 
ing out of this same agitation. The ministers seem to have had much law 
on their side, for the act of 1758 which they protested against modified 
the act of 1748 which had been approved by the king and omitted the sus- 
pending clause. This apparent violation of the constitution the Virgin- 

William and Mary Quarterly 9 

paper the principles of legislative practice set forth in connection 
with the case are far more important than the action of the 
clergy. The committee declared that by the constitution which 
the colony had previously enjoyed, every act properly passed 
by the assembly and approved by the governor had the force of 
law and should continue to have that force until by proclamation 
the king should veto it. If by reason of changed conditions, it 
at any time seemed desirable to the assembly to pass an act con- 
trary to any general or particular instruction to the governor, 
it was done, but a suspending clause, was included in the act. 
This suspended the act until the king's consent could be obtained. 
The letter further declared that an act having been approved by 
the king, could not afterward be changed without the consent of 
all the parties to the original act. 2 * 

This letter, therefore, states the colonial position very clearly 
and very positively. It leaves no doubt that the committee had 
laid down a definite line of procedure, which if followed would 
bring it in conflict with previous practices of the English authori- 
ties. It also shows that it was the intent of the committee, and 
doubtless of the Virginia assembly, that the old mode of con- 
ducting business, through the governor and council, should be 
supplemented by a new one established by and under the control 
of the assembly. This is a clear and definite recognition of a 
difference of interests between Virginia and England, which 
difference unless wisely managed w r as bound to result in separa- 
tion. This was as early as December, 1759. It is little wonder 

ians explained away by saying if the act to allow money instead of to- 
bacco payment had contained the suspending clause it would have been 
of no value, as immediate action was required. Moreover, acts similar to 
this had been passed in the same way before without much complaint. 
Now the price of tobacco would give the minister and other creditors 
about six pence per pound, whereas it was originally intended they should 
have two pence, hence the contest to defeat the law which deprived them 
of the higher price. (See note Va. Mag. of Hist, X, 353-6, 350; Wirt's 
Life of P. Henry, 37-49.) In 1764 the committee of correspondence in- 
structed the agent in London to defend the colony in the appeal of the 
case to the privy council. — Va. Mag. of Hist, XII, 11-12. 

24 Va. Mag. of Hist, X, 348; XI, 15. The practice of the king fre- 
quently differed on this point, as he could veto an act at any time. 

io William and Mary Quarterly 

then that when the stamp act was proposed the colonists promptly 
recognized the real questions involved. 

That full confidence in the officials did not exist is shown by 
the fact that in October, 1760, the committee of correspondence 
directed that the agent should be instructed to send his com- 
munications to Mr. Nelson, the chairman, but not to address them 
to him as a member of the committee, for that might tempt some 
one to open and confiscate them. 25 

A lack of confidence in Abercrombie, who had been agent of 
the colony from 1752 till the appointment of Montague> and who 
still continued to be agent Of the governor and council till 1773 
was shown. In the letter to Montague was an enclosure on paper 
money in which Abercrombie is criticised for not having explained 
the paper money acts thus forestalling the opposition of the Eng- 
lish merchants. 26 Again in November, 1760, the committee noti- 
fied Montague to consider himself the agent of the colony and 
to allow no on to interfere with him in the work of his office. 
It seems Abercrombie had tried to get Montague to sign a paper 
that he (Abercrombie) was agent of Virginia. Montague re- 
fused and his action was upheld by the committee, though he was 
told hp migtit join with Abercrombie in efforts to get Virginia 
measures through. 27 Also the committee asked Montague to 
inform it of the rate of commission usually received by agents 
of other colonies for collecting moneys from the English govern- 
ment, in order to be sure Abercrombie had not overcharged for 
his work. 23 He was later accused of overcharging. Aber- 
crombie was to cease to be collecting agent for the colony and 
turn over' any money he had collected to Montague. 29 

The facts that the governor recognized the committee and 
asked favors of its agent shows that its importance was felt in 
official circles. It seems that Governor Fauquier had signed acts 
similar to other acts signed by previous governors, but which 

25 Va. Mag. of Hist., XI, 10, 17; XI, 354- 

26 Va. Mag. of Hist., XI, 3. 
"Ibid., 12. 

28 Va. Mag. of Hist., XI, 14, 22, 24, 132, 354. 

29 Va. Mag. of Hist, XI, 14. 

William and Mary Quarterly ii 

had been prohibited by instructions. The particular instructions 
referred to (though not unlike those given at other times during 
the 18th century), were a revival of those given by Charles II. 
shortly after the restoration, and were to the effect that the 
governor should give assent to no act which was to be in force 
less than two years, and to no act repealing another act, whether 
that act had been approved by the king or not, unless the new 
act contained the, suspending clause. So far as acts to amend or 
to repeal acts approved by the king were concerned this instruc- 
tion had been observed ;but it had been ignored in, the other 
cases without rousing hostility at home. In fact in 1748 the 
assembly had revised (amended and repealed) without limit and 
the ministers had sanctioned this method of revision, though in 
violation of instructions, and had even recommended the same 
method to the other colonies. It had become the regular thing 
to ignore this instruction, and had it not been for the action of 
the clergy in the contest over salaries, 30 it probably would 
never have been otherwise. But this contest had caused the old 
instructions to be revived and then when the governor had ignored 
it in the interests of the colonists, he had come into disfavor in 
England. Therefore the governor requested the agent to defend 
him, and the committee strongly urged the agent to do what he 
could to excuse the governor's action. 31 To enforce the instruc- 
tions to the governor would have deprived the assembly of a large 
part of its power to legislate, especially for emergency cases. 32 
In this manner the committee went on to argue the case and to 
cite other cases to support the argument. It instructed the agent 
to uphold the governor's action and to defend the acts of the 

In another letter 33 (May 4, 1761), the act of assembly con- 
cerning the collection of debts was explained. After asserting 
that because the act was duly approved by the king, it could 
not be repealed save by act of assembly 'and approval of the 

30 Page 12. 

31 Va. Mag. of Hist., XI, 25. 

32 Va. Mag. of Hist, XI, 15-16. 
™Ibid., 18-21. 

12 William and Mary Quarterly 

king, the committee instructed the agent to engage the best 
counsel he could on this case when it came from the Virginia 
general court on appeal to the privy council, but to insist on the 
validity of the act. The agent was also to explain the military 
activities of Virginia which had been criticised by Secretary Pitt. 
The committee further directed Montague to make an earnest 
appeal for a warship to be permanently located off the Virginia 
coasts to protect trade. 

Many of the letters 34 to the agent explain acts of assembly 
and direct the agent how to proceed to secure the royal assent, 
or to prevent veto. One subject of discussion which called forth 
a rather long letter 35 was the importation of salt. Some of the 
northern fishing colonies were allowed to import salt direct from 
Lisbon instead of from Liverpool, because the Liverpool salt 
was not good for curing fish, while Lisbon salt was. The other 
colonies, Virginia included, were forced to buy Liverpool salt. 
Although Virginia shipped some of her products direct to Lisbon, 
the vessels were not allowed directly to carry salt back to Vir- 
ginia, but must either take the salt to Pennsylvania or the north- 
ern colonies and go empty to Virginia or take Lisbon salt first to 
England and pay duty on it and then carry it to Virginia, or go 
in ballast from Lisbon to Virginia. Either of these methods were 
unprofitable. Furthermore Liverpool salt was of poor quality, 
hence the efforts of the committee to get the same privileges as 
Pennsylvania and the north. However, the Liverpool mrchants 
were strong enough to prevent them succeeding. Even the privi- 
leges which had been allowed the northern colonies in this respect 
were further limited on account of this controversy. This illus- 
trates 1 how the colonists were made the victims of the greed, or 
perhaps to-day we would say of the "enterprise" of the British 
merchants. This was one of many similar instances that finally 
brought home to the colonials the knowledge that their interests 
were not the same as those of the English merchants and ship 
owners. The determination of the English merchants and ship 
owners to control English law in their own interests was a strong 

3 *Va. Mag. of Hist., XI, 133-7. 

35 Ibid., 139-43. Other references, XII, 5, 6, 8, 9, 354. 

William and Mary Quarterly 13 

factor, a very strong factor in driving the Americans to separa- 
tion from England. 

From the foregoing account it will be seen that the com- 
mittee from its organization, to 1764, played a rather quiet, 
though very important part in the relations of the colony to the 
mother country. It always took a strong pro-colony view, but 
with no intention of defrauding anybody, but only of securing 
the greatest practical degree of justice to all. On several occa- 
sions it saw fit to make arguments not only on the basis of jus- 
tice, but of constitutionality as well. Its work fully justified the 
early expectations that men of such force, maturity, and experi- 
ence would pursue a firm and wise policy. During this time the 
committee was clearly outlining for the colonials some of those 
points of difference between England and America which were 
soon to lead to the separation of the two peoples. 

But it is in connection with the proposed stamp act of 1765 
that the committee expressed itself in the strongest terms. In 
March, 1764, the English parliament in levying other taxes passed 
resolutions expressing its intention to impose a stamp tax on the 
colonies. During the summer local meetings to consider the 
proposition were held. The Virginia assembly was not to meet 
till October 30th, but meanwhile the committee of correspondence, 
in June and July, recorded itself as "very uneasy" at the pro- 
posed stamp and other taxes on the colonies. The agent was 
directed to oppose these with all his weight and influence as far 
as he might venture to insist on the injustice of laying any duties 
on the colony, and particularly on the injustice of taxing the 
internal trade of the colony without its consent. 36 He was also 
directed to secure and send to the colony copies of the Virginia 
charters to be kept among the records. 37 

The feeling of the committee is best illustrated in the letter 
of July 28, 1764, 38 which is in part as follows: 

"The Proposal to lay a stamp Duty upon Paper & Leather is truly 
alarming; should it take Place, the immediate Effects of an additional, 

38 Va. Mag. of Hist, XII, 6, 7, 9-n. 

37 Ibid., 6-7, 12-13. 

38 Ibid., 8-14. This letter was prepared by George Wythe and Robt. 
Carter Nicholas (Va. Mag. of Hist., XII, 7.) 

14 William and Mary Quarterly 

heavy burthen imposed upon a People already laden with Debts, con- 
tracted chiefly in Defence of the Common Cause & necessarily to con- 
tiaue by express Stipulation for a number of years to come, will be 
severely felt by us & our Children ; But what makes the approaching 
Storm appear still more gloomy & dismal is, that if it should be suffer'd 
to break upon our Heads, not only we & our Children, but our latest Pos- 
terity may & will probably be involved in its fatal Consequences. It may, 
perhaps, be thought presumptuous in us to attempt or even to desire any 
Thing which may look like a restraint upon the controlling Power of Par- 
liament; We only wish that our just Liberties & Privileges as free born 
British Subjects were once properly defin'd & we think that we may ven- 
ture to say that the People of Virginia, howeVer they may have been mis- 
represented, would never entertain the most distant Inclination to trans- 
gress their just Limits. That no Subjects of the King of Great Britain 
can be justly made subservient ("subject'' erased) to laws without either 
their personal Consent, or their Consent by their representatives we take 
to be the most vital Principle of the British Constitution; it cannot be 
denyed that the Parliament has from Time to Time, where the trade of 
the Colonies with other Parts was likely to interfere with that of the 
Mother Country, made such Laws as were thought sufficient to restrain 
such Trade to what was judg'd its proper Channel, neither can it be 
denied that, the Parliament, out of the same Plenitude of its Pozver, has 
gone a little Step farther & imposed some Duties upon our Exports ; but 
to fix a Tax upon such Part of our trade & concerns as are merely in- 
ternal, appears to us to be taking a long & hasty Stride & we believe may 
truly be said to be of the first Importance. Nothing is farther from our 
Thoughts than to shew the least Disposition to any Sort of rudeness, but 
we hope it cannot be taken amiss that we, apprehending ourselves so 
nearly concern'd, should, at least whilst the Matter is in Suspence, hum- 
bly represent against it, & take every Measure which the Principles & 
Laws of our Constitution appear clearly to justify, to avert a Storm so 
very replete with most dangerous Consequences." 

The letter goes on to say that in the light of what the 
colonists have just done in the war, these new taxes are not what 
they ought to expect. Montague was urged to get other agents 
to work with him. 

Before sending this letter another letter, dated April 1 1, 1764, 
was received from the agent and this caused the committe Jo add 
a postscript as follows : 

"Every Mention of the parlim'ts Intention to lay an Inland Duty upon 
us gives us fresh apprehension of the fatal Consequences that may arise 

William and Mary Quarterly 15 

to Posterity from such a precedent; but we doubt not that the Wisdom 
of a British parliam't will lead them to distinguish between a Power and 
Right to do any act. No man can say but that they have a power to de- 
clare that his Majesty may raise Money upon the people of England by 
Proclamation, but no man surely dare be such an Enemy to his Country 
as to say that they have a Right to do this. We conceive that no Man 
or Body of Men, however invested w th power, have a Right to do any- 
thing that is contrary to Reason & Justice, or that can tend to Destruc- 
tion of the Constitution. These things we write to you with great Free- 
dom and under the greatest Concern, but your Discretion will teach you 
to make a prudent use of them. 

"If a Sum of Money must be raised in the Colonies, why not in a 
constitutional Way? & if a reasonable apportionment be laid before the 
Legisl' of this country, their past Compliance with his Majesty's several 
Requisitions during the late expensive War, leaves no room to doubt 
they will do everything that can be reasonably expected of them.'' 

After this letter of July 28th there is no record of the com- 
mittee till December 19th and 20th, at which time brief records 
refer to the action of the assembly on the proposed stamp taxes. 
In the meantime the assembly met October 30, 1764, and the com- 
mittee laid the resolutions of parliament and the correspondence 
with the agent before the burgesses. These with a communica- 
tion from a committee of the house of representatives of Massa- 
chusetts on the sugar bill were all referred to the committee of 
the whole house. On November 4th, the committee of the whole 
through Attorney General Peyton Randolph reported four resolu- 
tions 39 to the effect that they should present an address to the 
king, a memorial to the house of lords, a memorial to the house of 
commons, and that the committee of correspondence be directed to 
answer the letter from Massachusetts. The time to the 14th was 
used in discussing the address and memorials. A committee of 
eight, later nine, was appointed to draw up the memorials and 
remonstrance. Four members of this committee of burgesses 
were members of the committee of correspondence. 40 The work 

39 Va. Mag. of Hist., IX, 365-6. 

40 This committee was Mr. Attorney (Peyton Randolph), Rich. Hen. 
Lee, Landon Carter, Mr. Wythe, Edmund Pendleton, Benj. Harrison, Mr. 
Cary, Mr. Fleming, and later Mr. Bland. (Jour, of Burg. 1764. p. 3$; 
Wirt's Life of Patrick Henry, Appen. A., 447; Va. Mag. of Hist., IX, 

1 6 William and Mary Quarterly 

of the committee of nine as finally adopted by the unanimous 
vote of council and burgesses was ordered to be sent by the com- 
mittee of correspondence to the agent with instructions for pre- 
senting it. The committee told Montague of the possibility of 
the 'house of commons refusing to receive the remonstrance. In 
that event he should have it, or at least the substance of it 
printed and distributed over the nation in order that the people 
of England might know the American position. 41 

There are no records of meetings of the committee from 
December, 1764, to September, 1765. -The committee seems to 
have been inactive during that period, for at the meeting of 
September 14, 1765, a letter acknowledging the receipt of letters 
from November 19, 1764, to May 1, 1765, was ordered prepared. 
What reason there was for this inactivity we do not know. We 
do know there was~some controversy in the burgesses over the 
stamp act resolutions of Patrick Henry and that the old guard, 
to which the members of the committee mostly belonged met 
with temporary defeat at the hands of the younger members. 
This might have discouraged them. 42 It seems more likely, how- 

388.) Of these, Randolph, Carter, Wythe, and Bland were members of 
the committee of correspondence. There is no certainty as to how great 
a part the various members of the committee took in preparing these 
addresses and memorials. Thomas Jefferson says Peyton Randolph wrote 
the address. W. W. Henry in his Life of Patrick Henry, I, 61, says this 
address and the memorial were written by Rich. Hen. Lee. Wirt seems 
to think the Memorial to parliament was written by Pendleton or Bland. 
Jefferson says Wythe wrote the "Remonstrance" to the "Honorable the 
Knights, Citizens and Burgesses of Great Britain in Parliament assem- 
bled." Wythe's colleagues on the committee hesitated to accept his first 
draft "as wearing the aspect of treason and smoothed its features to its 
present form." Va. Mag. of Hist, IX, 368; Wirt's Life of P. Henry, 
Appendix A, 447-455- 

41 Va. Mag. of Hist., IX, 354-5. With the various resolutions of the 
com. of the whole, the address and memorials and the later resolutions 
of P. Henry, we have nothing further to do at this point because they 
were not a part of the work of the committee of correspondence. 

42 Wirt's Life of Patrick Henry, 74-85 ; Henry may have antagonized 
the leaders by opposing their efforts to establish a public loan office, which 
Wirt supposes was to relieve Robinson, the treasurer, from his heavy 
loans to his friends. Henry defeated this measure & was in opposition 
to the old leaders on the Stamp act a little later. — Wirt, 69-72. 

William and Mary Quarterly 17 

ever, they were waiting to see the outcome of the stamp act. 
But for the period from September, 1765, to November, 1769, we 
have no records; and such records as we have of 1769-70 are 
chiefly letters from Montague and the journals of the house of 
burgesses. 43 Considering the fact that this was the period of the 
'Declaratory Act," which said parliament had a right "to bind 
the colonies in all cases whatsoever," of the Townsend revenue 
acts putting a tax on paints, paper, glass and tea and legalizing 
writs of assistance, of the "Farmers' Letters," of non-importation 
agreements in Virginia, of the Boston Massacre, etc., it seems 
hardly likely that the committee was entirely idle. It is fair 
to assume that the absence of records means not inactivity of the 
committee but rather that the records were lost or destroyed. 
True the letters of Montague 44 nowhere mention that he re- 
ceived letters or instructions from the committee; but since they 
are in the form of reports of the doings of the English govern- 
ment in so far as they relate to Virginia, there was little occasion 
to refer to any letters the committee might have written. 

The letters of 1769-70 inform the committee that though the 
king's speech was somewhat haish toward America, and was ob- 
jected to by the Lord Chancellor, Lord Chatham and Lord Shel- 
bourne on that score, yet it was probable the objectionable taxes 
would be repealed and others would not be laid. Montague and 
the other agents persuaded some of the merchants of Bristol and 
London to ask for repeal because the non-importation agreements 
of the Americans was hurting trade. 45 During that same year 
(1770) there was an effort to take from Virginia a large tract 
of land in the northwest. This was the renewal of a scheme pro- 
posed in 1763, and the controversy lasted for some years longer. 
Montague opposed this grant with vigor and his letters have 
many references to the subject, as have the records of the house 
of burgesses of that time. 46 The letter of the committee to the 

43 Va. Mag. of Hist, XII, 157-169, 225-242, 353-364. 
"Va. Mag. of Hist., XII, 157-169. 
™Ibid., 164, 165-6. 

48 Va. Mag. of Hist., XII, 159-63, 164, 225, 227, 232, 233, 234-40, 353, 

1 8 William and Mary Quarterly 

agent, dated July 5, 1770, 47 Enclosed a long argument to refute 
the argument presented by the Indian agent for establishing a 
line of separation between Virginia and the southern Indians, 
which if established would have deprived Virginia of much 

From the date of this letter July 5, 1770, both the committee 
and the agent, Montague, drop out of the records. When and 
how the committee came to an end is not known. It is certain, 
however, that when the better known committee of correspon- 
dence was organized in March, 1773. only four, perhaps the 
more radical members, of the old committee were given places on 
it. 4S Thomas Jefferson gives an account of the origin of the 
committee, and says the old and leading members of the house 
were not thought "up to the point of forwardness and zeal which 
the time required. 49 Seven new men were put on with the four 
from the old committee, which of course gave the new men 
entire control. This shows that a new set of leaders, young, 
vigorous and determined, had decided to set aside the conserva- 
tive and very loyal old time leaders who doubtless had hesitated 
to make such radical opposition to the obnoxious measures of 
the English government. 

It seems fair to conclude that the old committee of cor- 
respondence had continued in existence with more or less regu- 
lar meetings from 1759 to July, 1770; that after that, if it was 
not disbanded it ceased to be a real factor in the Virginia gov- 
ernment ; that the committee proposed by Richard Henry Lee 
and appointed March 12, 1773, was a new committee and not 
merely a revival of the old one. The new committee had its own 
correspondent in England, one John Norton, a merchant, and 

*7 Va. Mag. of Hist., XII, 357-64. 

48 These four were Peyton Randolph, Robert Carter Nicholas, Rich- 
ard Bland, and Dudley Digges. Some of the members of the old com- 
mittee were dead, others had retired from public life, but others who 
were members of the old committee were still in the house and were 
not put on the new committee. Besides no councilors were put on the 
new committee. 

49 Kennedy Journal of House of Burg. 1773-1776, XI, also much the 
same, XII. 

William and Mary Quarterly 19 

has no record of communication with Montague. 50 The existence 
of the old committee may have suggested the new committee, 
whose work, while in some respects similar to that of the old, 
was yet quite different in ultimate purpose ; but it may have had 
nothing directly to do with the origin of the new committee. 

In summing up it may be said first, that the committee of 
correspondence of 1759-70 grew out of the recognition by the 
colonists that it was necessary for the assembly as the repre- 
sentatives of the people, to come into closer and more direct 
relations with the home government, and to accomplish this pur- 
pose it was necessary for the assembly, especially the house of 
burgesses to have first an agent in England, and second a com- 
mittee to correspond with and instruct the agent, because in no 
other way could the Virginians be assured that the facts and 
motives of legislation, and other Virginia interests, would be put 
clearly before the English authorities, so they might not act in 
ignorance of the colonial interests. The efforts to make clear 
these facts and motives is illustrated by the work of the com- 
mittee explaining the colonial attitude on paper money, debt 
paying and other subjects of legislative acts; by the statement of 
the principles of the constitution involved in law making, and in 
other ways. 

Second, that by this committee was made the first official 
recognition of a difference of interest between English merchants 
and Virginia colonists, and that in this respect it did much to 
remove the confusion always present in the relations of colony 
and mother country and to clearly define the issues which were 
finally to wreck the American empire of Great Britain. 

Third, that this committee while always loyal, was neverthe- 
less the organized centre of opposition to any unjust policy of 
the home government, and in connection with the Stamp act 
showed it could speak with vigor. The committee of correspon- 
dence of 1759 to 1770 was one of the most important facts of 
Virginia history during the latter half of eighteenth century. 

50 Kennedy Jour, of H. of Burg. 1773-1776, 41. 

20 William and Mary Quarterly 


Judge Thomas Todd, born in King and Queen County, Virginia, Jan- 
uary 23, 1765, died at his home at Frankfort, Kentucky, February 7, 1826, 
in his sixty-second year, and is buried at Frankfort. 

In 1781, during the invasion of Virginia by Generals Philips and 
Arnold, he served six months in the American Army. He graduated in 
1783 at Liberty Hall (Washington and Lee) and came that summer to Bed- 
ford County, Virginia, and lived in the family of his cousin, Judge Harry 
Innes, and in the spring of 1784 came to Kentucky, and commenced the 
practice of law at Danville. 

He was the secretary of the ten conventions 1784- 1792, looking to the 
formation of the State; Clerk of Federal Court of the District of Ken- 
tucky; the first Clerk of Court of Appeals; Judge of the Court of Appeals 
1801, and Chief Justice in 1806. 

In 1807 appointed Judge of the U. S. Supreme Court, holding his 
court twice a year each in Nashville, Frankfort and Chillicothe, and six 
months during the winter in Washington City. Judge Todd filled the 
latter position until his death — twenty years. 

C. H. Todd, M. D. 
' Owensboro, Ky., December 26, 1912. 

Col. Charles Stewart Todd, born January 22, 1791, in Lyncoln County, 
Kentucky, died May 16, 1871, in his eighty-first year, and buried at 

Graduate of William and Mary College, Williamsburg, Virginia, in 
1809. Student at Law at Litchfield, Conn., i8io-'ii; Attorney-at-Law 
in Lexington, Kentucky, 1812. 

Aid-de-Camp on General William Henry Harrison's staff War of 
1812; winter of 1813 and '14 Inspector General, rank of Major, and win- 
ter of i8i4-'i5 Inspector General Northwestern Army, with ran^ of Col- 
onel of Cavalry. 

In 1815 attorney-at-law at Frankfort, Kentucky, and June, 1816, mar- 
ried the youngest daughter of Governor Isaac' Shelby. 

Appointed in 1820 by President James Monroe Minister to Colombia^ 
South America, on the death of Commodore Perry. 

In 1841 President Tyler appointed Colonel Todd Minister to Russia. 

C. H. Todd, M. D. 
Owensboro, Ky., December 26, 1912. 

William and Mary Quarterly 21 

Washington City, March 9th, 1808. 
My dear Charles, 

I have received but two letters from you since you left Ken- 
tucky, one I received at Chillicothe & the other at this place ; 
I am much gratified that you are so well pleased with your situa- 
tion at William & Mary, and I shall rest with confidence in your 
exertions to make the greatest advantage of that pre-eminent 
situation. This my dear Son is the golden period for improve- 
ment, the succeeding four years, will be the most important to 
you, in the course of your whole life, you are now laying the 
foundation on which your future prospects thro life depend, the 
more solid the foundation, the greater certainty in supporting & 
rearing the superstructure. This period is to form your char- 
acter — habits of industry & study are now easily acquired & pur- 
sued, which will become familiar & easy & last you forever. If 
on the contrary you now neglect them, you fall into idleness, 
which begets sloth, that engenders dissipation & finally all energy 
of thought, of character & of respectability is forever gone, no 
exertion can produce a reformation and you will sink into con- 
tempt & misery. I do not mention these things from any fears 
that you will so neglect the present opportunity afforded, but 
as a caution to you, on the contrary I have the utmost confidence 
in your diligence & application, I hope to hear that you have 
signalized yourself, for your genius & assiduity & that you will be 
your country's boast. 

The supreme court has continued its term, & I have been kept 
here so much longer than I had calculated on that I cannot take 
Richmond in my route home. 

I have written to M r Adams & enclosed him an order on Col 
Gamble of Richmond for $35, which I have requested him to send 
you, as soon as he receives it if I can negotiate a Bill here I will 
send you $50 more before I leave this place, if not I shall request 
M r Adams to furnish you with that sum — my stay here has in- 
creased my expenses beyond my calculation & I am fearful I shall 
not have enough to take me home — write immediately on the 
receipt of this letter & always keep me advised as to your funds, 

22 William and Mary Quarterly 

as I wish you not to be in arrears direct your letter to Frankfort, 
Kentucky, as I shall leave this before your answer can reach me. 

I very much wish that you will study French. I find it spoken 
by all genteel people & is much used in commercial affairs. I 
also wish you to learn stenography, it will be of immense import- 
ance to you in your profession it will enable you to take notes 
with facility & correctness. 

You have not informed me in what grade you matriculated, 
I am anxious to know your standing in College & can can thereby 
judge of your improvement. 

Present my respects to M r Coleman & family give me a sketch 
of your society & the circle in which you visit. 

Y r AfT c father 

Thomas Todd. 
Charles S. Todd Esq r 

at the University of 
William & Mary 

Williamsburg, Va. 

Woodford June 4th 1808. 
My dear Charles, 

I have to acknowledge the receipt of two letters from you one 
of the 2 1 st of March & the other of the 28th of April last & have 
observed their contents. Your reflections on the subjects of my 
letters & admonitions are Just, and if you will carry into prac- 
tice those principles & morals which you have theorized, I have 
no doubt you will experience much pleasure & happiness from 

I was distressed at the information which you gave me of the 
Riot in College, but was much pleased at the part you acted, for 
however I am attached to liberality & Republicanism yet I am 
equally so to good order, decorum, & a proper degree of sub- 
ordination. It also gave me great pleasure to hear from M r 
George Madison the honorable manner in which his brother (the 
Bishop) had mentioned the conduct of yourself & young Croghan. 
I hope you both will persevere in such laudable conduct. I am 

William and Mary Quarterly 23 

also pleased with the circle of your Acquaintance, it is by asso- 
ciating with the virtuous & respectable part of the community that 
we learn & imitate laudable Actions, 'til they become habitual & 

I have made an arrangement with M r George Madison to pay 
him $50 for his brother & shall be very glad to do so every year 
as long as you continue at College. M r Madison will forward to 
his brother a receipt for his taxes. I now enclose you fifty dollars 
in Virginia bank notes, amount, Number & description on the 
other page. I sent you $50 dollars from the Federal City & drew 
an Order on Col Gamble of Richmond in favor of M r Adams 
for $35. more which I requested M r Adams to send you. In your 
last you mentioned that you had rec d of M r Adams $60 the greater 
part of which you had spent. I must here remind you of the 
promise to send me an account of your disbursements, the last 
seems to be a charge in the lump, without giving the items, this 
promise I cannot dispense with, because I wish you to be frugal 
& economical, without being parsimonious or penurious & by 
keeping an account of the items, which you will frequently review, 
you will readily discover yourself such as are unnecessary & 

Your Mama still suffers much from ill health & I begin to 
entertain apprehensions that she never will be restored perfectly, 
she participates in the pleasure which we both anticipate from 
your exertions & good conduct. 

Present my respects to M r Madison & M r Coleman & family 
& assure them that I feel very grateful for their friendly atten- 
tions to you. 

Y r Aff e father 

1 Bank Note N° 124. B. Thomas Todd, 

dated 2 nd Oct e 1804. $10 
iD°N°2683. D. 14 th Nov 

1805 2 ° 

ID° N° 3246. B. 8 th Jan 20 


$ 50 Received July 14 th 

Answered July 16 th 

24 William and Mary Quarterly 

Charles S. Todd Esq r 

Woodford Aug 1 23 d 1808 
My dear Charles, 

I wrote just before I set out for Nashville in June last & 
enclosed fifty dollars in Virginia Bank notes, the receipt of which 
you have not acknowledged nor have I rec d an answer to my 
letter, I have also paid M r George Madison fifty dollars on 
Account of the Bishop these sums debit will be as follows 

To this sum advanced when setting out for Williamsburg $200.0.0 

To an order on Col° Gamble (Richmond) 35-0.0 

To Cash remitted to you from Federal City 50.0.0 

To D° settled with M r Geo. Madison 50.0.0 

To D° remitted you in June last 50.0.0 

from which you will find that you are only $25 short of your 
annual allowance, when you have been absent about eight months 
only. I have stated this Ace 1 merely to bring to your recollection, 
how necessary it is to be prudent & economical & that upon an 
equal dividend of my Salary among a wife & five children, allow- 
ing $400 to each I shall have but a scanty sum to bear my ex- 
penses in travelling & attending the several Courts where Official 
duty requires me. But I will not be parsimonious in my expendi- 
tures on the Education of my children, provided I am assured it 
is not mispent or applied improperly & therefore was I fully 
satisfied of their application, assiduity & attention, I should not 
calculate the Cents which 'it cost ;from the tenor of your letter 
to me, your Mother & Sisters as well as from other sources, I ' 
entertain fears, that you have not. been as studious & attentive 
to your collegiate duties, as you ought to have been. You say 
"the last week or two my attention has been so completely 
monopolized by the Ladies that I had entirely forgotten the 
object of my mission here." Surely you have been greatly meta- 
morphozed, for not long since, I understood from your letters 
to some of the family, you were an ent-ire recluse. 

William and Mary Quarterly 25 

The fear that you will go from one extreme to the other, has 
induced me to procure a friend for you, who will by his experi- 
ence, his reason & Judgment be able to advise & correct any 
errors arising from Juvenile propensities. I have solicited the 
Bishop to take upon himself your entire Guardianship & request 
that you will pay implicit obedience to his commands. This I 
have done from abundant caution, not that you require it ; but as 
I am at so great a distance & you so young & entering on scenes 
of life new & which may give a cast to the character you may 
assume during the balance t»f your life., I thought it most pru- 
dent that (you) should have a friend on whom you could (rely) 
for advice — & none more proper than the Bishop whose character 
deservedly stands high. 

M r Morris sets out about the 20 th of next month for Vir- 
ginia, by him I shall write you again & then make you a remit- 
tance, which I would now do, if I could procure Virginia Bank 
notes & it is probable that he will be in Richmond as soon as 
this reaches you. 

Your Mama is still in bad health — the rest of the family are 

Y r AfT e 

Thomas Todd. 

P. S. Give our love to M r & M rs Adams 
& family — M r Coleman & family. 
Charles S. Todd, Esq r 
at the University 

' of 
William & Mary 
M r Madison 

Sept. 25 th 1808. 
My dear Charles, 

I wrote you last month by M r Madison since which I received 
your favor by M r Southall & regret very much that I missed the 
pleasure of seeing him on his way from Lexington to Louisville, 


26 William and Mary Quarterly 

being from home with your Mama at the Harrodsburg Springs. 
I have not heard of his return from Louisville but will endeavor 
to see him & show him that hospitality which is congenial to a 

Your letter by M r Semple has not come to hand altho' M rs 
Carneal has rec d hers, he was at their House. 

I am much gratified with the account of the hospitable recep- 
tion you have met with in Virginia but I'm fearful your attention 
will be too much engross'd with it to attend to your studies. 
You have not informed me how you passed the examination at the 
July vacation, your silence forbodes against you, if so my pride 
will be wounded & I shall attribute your failure to your inatten- 
tion, as all accounts from every quarter speak well of your 
capacity. Recollect the honor, the character & reputation of 
your Country for talent & Genius is in some measure resting on 
you — pride, ambition, nay duty, demands of you an education. 
Show the proud Virginian that a child of the forest in the wilds 
of Kentucky can vie with him in mental acquirements, that nature 
is as fond & endows, her sons of the W est, as liberally, as those 
of the East. 

In my last I gave you a statement of the sums advanced you, 
I have now made further remittances to M r Adams, requesting 
him to make you such advances as you stand in need of, I have not 
been able to procure Bank notes, & have imposed on him the 
trouble of collecting some drafts & fees, which would be incon- 
venient to you. 

The attention & hospitality of M r &M rs Adams demands your 
most grateful respect, which I trust you have always observed & 
I hope you have visited your friends in Manchester. 

Your Mama still suffers ill health, she unites with me in our 
best wishes for your progress & welfare — present us affectionately 
to M r Coleman & his family & believe 

Yours Affec. 
Thomas Todd. 
M r Charles S. Todd 
M r Morris Williamsburg. 

William and Mary Quarterly 2j 

Frankfort Nov r 15 th 1808 
My dear Charles, 

I received yours of the 22 nd Uiltimo by this days mail in which 
you state great regret & anxiety at what you conceive unfavorable 
& prejudicial impressions gathered from the general tenor of my 
letter, in which you consider the increase of another Guardian as 
indication of disapprobation of your conduct. I am sure a second 
& candid perusal of my letter must remove those impressions, 
for if my memory is correct, I stated to you as a reason for so doing 
that it was more from abundant caution, from fears suggested 
by parental affection, than from a knowledge of any impropriety 
of conduct, if I did not so express myself such were the induce- 
ments. You were young & inexperienced — at a very considerable 
distance from me, or any of your near relatives entering on 
scenes of life new and fascinating — to form an acquaintance 
among strangers and in fact at the time when you are to form 
the Character which is to support you thro life. I should have 
been devoid of Affection, nay of common prudence even as to a 
ward, had I omitted such precautions — prevention is greatly pre- 
ferable to correction. We had better use preventives to improper 
or immoral conduct than to endeavour to correct it after it has 
happened by doing as we avoid repentance & remorse. 

No my Son, you are mistaken in your impressions — your con- 
duct has not been made known to me, as having been culpable, 
some insinuations as to levity or Juvenile propensities, had 
alarmed my fears, which backed by parental affection suggested 
the measures as cautious & prudential. But why say another 
Guardian, who was the first. Your letter breathes in a strain of 
complaints, anxiety & regret, which the subject & measures surely 
do not Justify. Let us drop the subject. 

I have never rec d your letter by M r Semple. I presume ere 
this you have seen or heard of M r Morris, by him I wrote you 
& made remittances to M r Adams, with a request to make you 
the necessary advances. 

Your Mama still suffers ill health, she much wished you had 
spent the vacation with us, she is anxious to see you, the rest 
of the family are usually well. 

28 William and Mary Quarterly 

Present us affectionately M r Coleman & family & Give my 
respects to the Bishop. And believe me 

Y r AfP 5 father 
Thomas Todd. 
Charles S. Todd Esq r 
William & Mary College, 
Mail Williamsburg, Va. 

Kentucky, May 15 th 1809 
My dear Charles, 

I set out last winter for the Federal City, but owing to the 
extreme high freshets, which had removed every bridge between 
Lexington & Chillicothe & almost every bridge & causeway be- 
tween the latter place & Wheelin, I went no farther than to 
Chillicothe. Your Mama's ill health when I left her had also 
considerable influence to induce me to return. 

I have received several letters from you & should have writ- 
ten long ere this, but I wished to send you a remittance by some 
safe conveyance, (which I have not been able to meet with) & 
am now obliged to send by the mail. 

The Bishop has drawn an order on me in favor of M r George 
Madison for S50.33 which I have accepted & will pay when called 
on, I now enclose you $150. in notes on the Bank of Virginia also 
an order on Col° Robert Gamble for $35. these sums amount to 
$238.33. I have not heard the fate of a Bill remitted M r Adams 
last fall drawn by Edmund Saunders on Saunders Lyle & 
Saunders for $100. nor as to sundry other sums mentioned in a 
former letter. I had supposed them paid & that you were not 
in want of funds 'til I received your last letter. I should have 
made this remittance sooner but was afraid to remit by mail 
as so many depredations have been commited on it. 

You mention your intention of returning to Kentucky by way 
of Pittsburg & so down the River. If it is your intention to 
return to Williamsburg I doubt whether the fatigue & expenses 
will not exceed the pleasure of the visit & the route is certainly 
objectionable at the season of the year in which you contemplate 

William and Mary Quarterly 29 

returning, the River will be so low that you cannot pass down 
by water, & there is no stage that runs from Pittsburg West- 
wardly. If it is your intention not to return to W ms burg you had 
better travel out by land & if you do intend returning perhaps 
you had better decline the visit, however I leave the matter 
to your own choice in either event, your Mama & all the family 
are anxious to see you. 

If the sums now sent are not sufficient to discharge your debts, 
and purchase a horse & bear your expenses, enquire for M r 
George Clark in Richmond or its vicinity who generally travels 
to Kentucky once a year & who is engaged in paying the taxes 
here for many non residents, apply to him for what further sums 
you may want for the Journey, show Jiim this letter & assure 
him that I will refund the sum he may advance you on sight. I 
would request you to call on M r Adams but suppose that the busi- 
ness he is now engaged in requires all his cash & he might want 
it before I could reimburse him, as the remittance by mail is not 
always safe, nor can light money be always procured. 

Present my respects to the Bishop & affectionately mention me 
to M r Coleman & family. 

, I am Dear Charles 

Y r ArT e 
Thomas Todd 
Mr. Charles S. Todd 
William & Mary College Virginia 
To the particular 
care of M r 
S. G. Adams 

30 William and Mary Quarterly 


Washington City, March 13, 1829. 
Dear Howard — 

I designed writing to you some days ago but from the hurry 
of trifles I have put it off until this time. 

I can only say that I wished every friend I have had been 
present at the Inauguration. Never could I have imagined such a 
spectacle. The interchange of feeling between the people and 
President surpassed description. The old Hero was appalled 
at the majesty of the multitude. 

We followed in the train to the Presidents house. Gen 1 Jack- 
son received me kindly — he has offered your Uncle the Govern- 
ment of Arkansas which Dr. Floyd has declined accepting. 

Since I came here I became acquainted with Mr. Herst from 
Louisville, Mrs. M. Popes Lawyer — he tells me Maria refuses 
to confirm her Mothers sale. Judging you would be glad to get 
her share in the Tract I told Herst I knew a man that would 
give her two thousands dollars for her share. I now write to 
apprise you of the matter. You had best consider of it and 
I will see Herst this evening and converse with him so as to 
put the business on such a footing as to enable you to get the 

I have visited M ra Jessup who received me like a sister. How 
much difficulty false friends occasion poor Marias tale to her 
notorious L^ncle was likely to deprive me of the Friendship of 
the Clarks, a family I always loved and valued. 

Our young Folks went up to see Mary Robinson in the 
Staunton Hospital. She was entirely composed — very pale and 
reduced — she was making hair Plaits of her fine long hair which 
had been cut off, her bosom was full of them. She fastened one 
on Letitia's wrist and one on Susannas. They continue to wear 

Wife of John Floyd, Governor of Virginia i830-'33. 

William and Mary Quarterly 31 

them. D r Boys says she will be restored in six months. Old 
Green had been painting — he knew George and enquired about 
his corn potatoes and walnuts. W m Peyton has not been well 
he is going to his Farm near the Warm Springs. Your Uncle was 
at Court. 

I wish sincerely you had been with us to witness the manage- 
ment of this place — So many courtesies — so many greedy appli- 
cants — and so many beautiful women. 

General Jackson's Cabinet does not give entire satisfaction to 
his Friends. 

I rejoice my Husband has retired before' another storm sets in. 

Give my sincere love to cousin Agatha, and for yourself 
accept the best wishes of your 

Affectionate Aunt 

Letitia Floyd 



By Mrs. Dora Hedges Goodwyn. 

The General Assembly of Virginia passed an Act in October, 
1780, for dividing Brunswick County into two distinct counties, 
to take effect February 1, 1781, the new county to be called 

Below are extracts from the first order book of the newly 
erected County of Greensville, copied by Mrs. Wm. Waller 
Robertson 1 , of the Joseph Hedges Chapter, D. A. R., of Emporia, 
Virginia : 

At a meeting of the Justices for the County of Greensville 
at Hicks's Ford on Thursday the twenty second day of February 
in the Year of our Lord Christ, one thousand seven hundred and 
eighty one, in the fifth year of 'the Commonwealth, in pursuance to 
an Act of Assembly passed at the last session for dividing the 
County of Brunswick into two distinct Counties. The said Act 
was produced and read, as also a Commission of the Peace and 

32 William and Mary Quarterly 

Oyer and Terminer for the County directed to James Watt, 
Douglas Wilkins, William Stark, Alexander Watson, James 
Mann, William Mason, Wra. Batte, John Turner, John Dawson, 
Thomas Cocke, Simon Turner, William Watson, Philip Person, 
Edmund Wilkins, Charles Lucas junior, William Stark junior, 
John Lucas, Richard Peete, Wm. Maclin, and Jordan Richard- 
son, Gentlemen. Whereupon, the said William Stark and James 
Mann administered the oaths to the Commonwealth, the oath of 
a Judge at Common Law and Chancery, and of Oyer and Ter- 
miner to Douglas Wilkins, gent, according to Law, and the said 
Douglas Wilkins administered the said oaths to W T m. Stark, 
James Mason, Wm. Stark junior, John Lucas and Jordan Rich- 
ardson, gentlemen. 

Present. The above named Qualified Justices. 

Daniel Fisher, gent, is appointed by the Court to act as 
Attorney for the Commonwealth in this County Court, he hav- 
ing taken the oath to this Commonwealth, and of his Office, 
according to Law. 

James Wall, gent, produced a Commission appointing him 
Sheriff of the County, and having taken the oaths of his office 
according to Law and entered into Bond in the penalty of one 
hundred thousand pounds with James Mason his security, con- 
ditioned as the Law directs, which bond is ordered to be 

Robert Mabry and Nathaniel Lucas are admitted and quali- 
fied as Deputy Sheriffs of the County according to Law. 

A Bond from Robert Mabry and Nathaniel Lucas to James 
Wall was acknowledged by the Obligors and ordered to be 

The last Will and Testament of Nathaniel Malone deceased 
was partly proved by the oath of Thomas Morris — junior, a 
Witness thereto. 

Order Book i, page i. 

At a Court held for Greensville County on Thursday the 
twenty second day of March in the Year of our Lord Christ 
one thousand seven hundred and eighty one, and in the Fifth 
year of the Commonwealth. 

William and Mary Quarterly 33 

Present. Douglas Wilkins, James Mann, William Stark, 
Wm. Stark junior, John Lucas, gent, Justices. 

.Edmund Wilkins and William Maclin gent, named in the 
Commission of the Peace for the County took the Oaths to 
the Commonwealth and of Common Law Chancery and Oyer 
and Terminer according to Law and then took their seats 

On the motion of Peter Pelham gent he is appointed Clerk 
of this County Court, he having taken the oaths to the Common- 
wealth and of his office according to , Law. 

The last Will and Testament of Nathaniel Malone deceased 
was fully proved by the oath of Robert Powell a Witness there- 
to and is ordered to be recorded. 

Order Book No. 1, page 2. 

William Fanning, Daniel Sills, Timothy Redding and Rich- 
ard Peete (they having first sworn) are appointed to appraise 
in curren' money the estate of Charles Lucas junior dece'd ac- 
cording to Law and return the appraisement thereof to the Court. 

Wilson Shehorn is appointed Surveyor of the Road in the 
room' of Benjamin Sykes and the hands that belong to the said 
Road do attend and keep the same in repair according to Law. 

Order Book No. 1, page 3. 

At a Court for Greenville County on Thursday the twenty 
sixth day of April in the year of our Lord Christ one thousand 
seven hundred and eighty one in the fifth year of the Common- 
wealth. ' 

Present. William Starke, Edmund Wilkins, Wm. Stark- 
junior, John Lucas, Wm. Maclin, gent, Justices. 

The last Will and Testament of Seymour Powell dece'd was 
proved according to Law by the Oaths of Daniel Fisher, Thomas 
Hicks and Henry Bass Witnesses thereto, and ordered to be 
recorded. And on motion of James Ransome and John Rogers 
the Executors herein named who made oath thereto according 
to Law and together with James Mason, Benjamin Hicks. 
Francis Dancey their Securities entered into and acknowledged 

34 William and Mary Quarterly 

their Bond in the Penalty of two hundred thousand pounds, 
conditioned as the Law directs. Certificate is granted them for 
obtaining a probate thereof in due form. 

Order Book No. i, page 4. 

On the motion of Thomas Lewellen a License is granted 
him to keep an Ordinary at his house in the County for one 
year, he having together with Samuel Pine, his Security, entered 
into and acknowledged their Bond according to Law. 

At a Court for Greensville County on Thursday the twenty 
eighth day of June in the year of our Lord Christ one thousand 
seven hundred and eighty one in the fifth year of the Common- 

Present. Douglas Wilkins, James Mann, William Stark, 
John Lucas, gent, Justices. 

Thomas Cocke gent, named in the Commission of the Peace, 
took the oaths to the Commonwealth and of his office according 
to Law, and took his seat accordingly. 

Order Book No. 1, page 5. 

An Indenture from Thomas Lawrence was acknowledged by 
the said Thomas and is ordered to be recorded. 

William Stark, junior, gent, is appointed Commissioner of 
the specie taxes in the room of David Rosser who hath resigned 
that Office. 

At a Court for Greensville County on the twenty third day 
of August in the year of our Lord Christ one thousand seven 
hundred and eighty-one in the sixth year of the Commonwealth. 

Present. James Mason, Jno. Lucas, William Sjtark, Jr, 
Jordan' Richardson, Gent, Justices. 

An Indenture from Henry Peebles to Burrell Bass was 
proved by the Witnesses and is ordered to be recorded. 

Order Book No. 1, page 6. 

James Mason, gent, is appointed Commissioner of the Specie 
tax in the room of William Stark junior gent, who hath re- 
signed with the approbation of the Court. 

Order Book No. 1, page 7. 

A 7UOS63 

William and Mary Quarterly 35 

At a Court held for Greensville County on Thursday tft"e 
twenty-second day of November in the year of our Lord Christ 
one thousand seven hundred and eigthy one and in the sixth 
year of the Commonwealth. 

Present. Douglas Wilkins, John Lucas, William Stark, 
William Stark junior, gent, Justices. 

Susannah Denton daughter of Thomas Denton made choice 
of Matthew Davis for her special Guardian on his giving Bond 
with John Hamilton his Security in the Clerk's Office in the 
sum of five hundred pounds specie. i 

Ordered that Francis Dancey be added to the order ap- 
pointing persons to appraise Jesse Davis's Estate. 

Ordered that the Church Wardens of Saint Andrew's Parish 
bind out Andrew Lucas, Phoebe and Sarah Murdock Orphans 
of John Murdock dece'd according to Law. 

Order Book No. 1, page 8. 

At a Court for Greensville County on the twenty fourth 
day of January in the year of our Lord Christ one thousand 
seven hundred and eighty two in the sixth year of the Common- 

Present. Douglas Wilkins, Wm. Stark junior, James Mason, 
Jordon Richardson, gent, Justices. 

The last Will and Testament of Aaron Parks dece'd was 
proved by Witnesses thereto and ordered to be recorded. 

Ordered that Jno. Turner, Jno. Powell, Burwell Bass and 
John Mackensee or any three of them being first sworn do ap- 
praise in current money the estate of Aaron Park's dece'd ac- 
cording to Law and return the said appraisement to the Court. 

Order Book No. I, page 9. 

Benjamin Denton Orphan of John Denton made choice of 
Lawrence House for his Guardian he having with Matthew 
Davis his Security entered into and acknowledged their Bond 
in the Penalty of two hundred pounds conditioned as the Law 

36 William and Mary Quarterly 

Ordered that John Hamilton, Matthew Davis and Robert 
Rivers or any two of them do let to the lowest bidder theTre- 
building the Bridge at Walker's Mill which when finished is 
to be received by the letters thereof and remain at the risque of 
the County. 

Ordered that Daniel Fisher, William Stark, William Stark 
junior and John Lucas or any two of them do let to the lowest 
bidder the rebuilding of the Bridge at the Three Creeks by Col. 
Fishers, which when finished is to be received by the letters 
thereof and remain at the risque of the County. 

Order Book No. i, page 10. 

Extracts from the first Order Book of Greensville County, 
copied by Miss Myra Harrison, of the Joseph Hedges Chapter, 
D. A. R. ? of Emporia ; Va. 

Thomas Stith, gent, of Brunswick County is recommended to 
the Gov. in Council as a proper person to execute the Office 
of Surveyor of this County — no resident hereof having made an 
application for the said office. 1782. 

Order Book No. 1, page 11. 

James Wall (present Sheriff) James Mason and William 
Stark gent, are recommended to the Governor iii Council as 
proper persons to execute the office of Sheriff this present year,. 

/ " Order Book No. 1, page 12. 

1782. James Robinson as a Captain, Peter Wyche Lieu- 
tenant, Dan'l Cato 2nd Lieut, and Braxton Robinson as Ensign 
are recommended to the Governor in Council as proper persons 
to command a Company of Militia in this County. 

Order Book No. I, page 24. 

At a Court held for Greensville County on Thursday the 
twenty fifth day of July one thousand seven hundred and eighty 
two. In the seventh year of the Commonwealth, 1, Nathaniel 
Lucas and Robert Mabry are appointed Collectors of the specie 
paper, they having entered into Bond and Security according; 

William and Mary Quarterly 37 

to Law, which is ordered to be recorded. 2, James Wall hav- 
ing entered into and acknowledged his bond with Security for 
the. Collection of the County Levies the same is ordered to be 

William Vaughan is appointed an Inspector of Flour in 
this County on his qualifying at the said office according to Law. 

Thomas Cocke a Captain in the Militia of this County took 
the Oaths of his Office according to Law. 

Benjamin Williams, Joel Smith and Samuel Davies were 
were severally qualified as Constables of this County according 
to Law. 0rder Book No ^ page 34 

1782. James Robinson, Captain, Daniel Cato second lieut, and 
Braxton Robinson Ensign in the Militia of this County qualified 
to their respective Commissions according to Law. 

Order Book No. 1, page 35. 

At a court held for Greensville County Thursday the twenty 
second day of August one thousand seven hundred and eighty 
two, in the seventh year of the Commonwealth. Ordered that 
the Church Wardens of Meherrin and Saint Andrew's Parish 
appoint proper persons to procession the Lands in this County 
according to Law. 

Douglas Wilkins Colonel, Turner Bynum, Henry Cook and 
W T illiam Mason Captains, Peter Pelham, Lawrence House, John 
Pritchett Lieutenants, and Andrew Jeter and Burwell Grigg 
Ensigns in the Militia of this County severally qualified to their 
respective Commissions according to Law. 

Order Book No. 1, page 36. 

Daniel Fisher is appointed Treasurer of this County on his 
entering into Bond and Security in the Clerks Office in the 
penalty of £1000 Conditioned for the faithful performance of 
the said office. 0rder Book No ^ page 3/> 

Thomas Hicks took the Oath of this Commonwealth and of a 
Deputy Sheriff of this County according to Law. 

John Lucas and Robert Mabry Lieutenants in the Militia of 
this County took the Oaths of their office according to Law. 

^8 William and Mary Quarterly 

John Robinson is recommended to the Governor in Council 
as a proper person to execute the office of a First Lieutenant in 
the Militia of this County according to Law. 

Order Book No. i, page 40. 

William Stark and William Stark junior are appointed to 
take the number of Souls in the Meherrin Parish in this County 
according to Law. 

William Maclin, William Watson and Jordan Richardson are 
appointed to take the number of Souls in Saint Andrew's Parish 
in this County according to Law. 

Batt Peterson, Thomas Person, John Pritchett and Francis 
Dancey are recommended to the Governor in Council as proper 
persons to the Commission of the Peace for this County accord- 
ing to Law. 

Nathaniel Mason is appointed Surveyor of the road from 
Hicksford to Stewart's Shop and it is ordered that he keep the 
same in good repair according to Law. 

John Pritchett is appointed a Surveyor of the Road from 
the Church to John Dawson's and it is ordered that the hands 
cf Burrell Bass, Clifton Harrison, Henry Clark, John Hargrove 
and James Harris be added to work on the said Road and that 
the said Pritchett keep the same in good repair according to 

Ordered that the Sheriff pay unto William Mason and John 
Lucas each the sum of fifteen pounds fifteen shillings for twenty 
one days service as Commissioners of the Land Tax accord- 
ing to Law. 

Ordered that the Sheriff pay William Maclin and Jordan 
Richardson fifteen shillings each for valueing Commissioners 
Lands according to Law. 

Order Book No. 1, page 41. 

At a Court held for Greensville County on Thursday the 
twenty sixth day of September one thousand seven hundred and 
eighty two in the seventh year of the Commonwealth. John 
Robinson a Lieutenant in the Militia of this County took the 
Oath of his Office according to Law. 

Order Book No. 1, page 42. 

William and Mary Quarterly 39 

Communicated by Thomas B. Robertson. 

Eastville, Va., Feb. 6, 1913. 

In Vol. XVIII, page 178 and scq. of the William and 
Mary Quarterly Historical Magazine, there was given the 
report of the clerk of Hungars parish,, showing the birtus, 
deaths and marriages for the year beginning March 25, 1660, and 
ending March 25, 1661. I now give below the report made to the 
monthly court for the year following, that is, from March 25, 
1661 to March 25, 1662. This interesting item from the old 
records of this county is found in the Book of Deeds, Wills, 
&c, for the years 1657 to 1666. John Lawrance seems to have 
been the only parish clerk who took the trouble to file his re- 
turns in the clerk's office. Or it is possible that in moving the 
office around from house to house in those days the reports were 
destroyed along with many other original papers. 

"A true account of such persons as have bin borne, Baptized, 
Married and buried in Hungars Parish from ye 25th. of March 
1661 to ye 25th. of March Anno 1662." 


Richard Johnson ye sonne of Tho and Ann Johnson — Apr 1 

Bridgett Robinson ye daughter of Jno. and Mary Rob- 
inson — Apr 1 2d. 

John Pace ye sonne of Jno and Mary Pace — Apr 1 2d. 

James Bruce ye sonne of James and Mary Bruce — Apr 1 2d. 

Thomas Martiall ye sonne of Tho and Mary Martiall — Apr 1 


Mary Obin ye daughter of Robert and Ann Obin — Apr 1 2d. 
Bridgett Henderson ye daughter of Gilbert and Mary Hen- 
derson — Apr 1 2d. 
Ann Mapp daughter of Jno & Mary Mapp — May 5th. 

40 William and Mary Quarterly 

Bridgett Rattcliffe ye daughter of Charles & Bridgett Ratt- 
cliffe — May 5th. 
Hellen Upshott ye daughter of Arthur and Mary Upshott — 

May 5th. 
John Crow ye sonne of Jno & Elizabeth Crow — May 5th. 
John Henderson ye sonne of James and Mary Henderson — 

May 1 2 th. 
Samuel and Joseph Cobb ye sonnes of Jno & Debora Cobb — 

May 1 2th. 
Henry Stott ye sonne of Henry and Priscilla Stott — May 

William Harmanson ye sonne of Thos. and Joane Har- 

manson — May 29th. 
Edw Pepper ye sonne of Jno & Margaret Pepper — June 2d. 
William Webster ye sonne of Will & Mary Webster — June 

William Matthews ye sonne of Morice Matthews & Elise 

Nebulian — June 9th. 
Bridgett Tyrant ye daughter of Tho & Margaret Tyrant — 

June 9th. 
Lucy Spindy ye daughter of Rogers & Helen Spindy — 

June 9th. 
Sara and Kathrine Coventon ye daughters of Nehemiah and 

Mary Coventon — June 10th. 
Nathanile Bradford ye sonne of Nathanl. and Alice Brad- 
ford — June 23d. 
William Edwards ye sonne of Wm & Elizabeth Edwards — 

June 23d. 
Margaret Copes ye daughter of Giles & Margaret Copes — 

June 23d. 
Thomas Hinman ye sonne of Jane Blague (age four years) — * 

July 7th. 
William Blague ye sonne of Wm and Jane Blague—July 7th. 
Elizabeth Walthan ye daughter of Jno and Elizabeth 

Walthan— July 14th. 
Mary Selby ye daughter of Tho & Mary Selby — Aug 4th. 
Peter Watson ye sonne of Robert & Susannah Watson — 

Aug. nth. 

William and Mary Quarterly 41 

Margaret Bery ye daughter of Cornelius & Margaret Bery — 
Aug 13th. Y 

Margaret Thorne ye daughter of Daniel & Mary Thome — 
Aug 25th. 

Winyfred Waggeman daughter of Henrick & Winyfred 
Waggeman — Sept — 

Children Baptized 

Joseph Reynier (?) ye sonne of Jno & Francis Reynier ( ?) — 

Oct. 6th. 
Annie Cattlin daughter of Robt & Ann Cattlin — Oct. 6th. 
Elizabeth VanSoles daughter of Al and Eliza VanSoles — 

Oct. 13th. 
John Granger sonne of Nicholas and Jane Granger — Oct. 

William Tilney sonne of Jno & Ann Tilney — Nov 29th. 
John Cotton sonne of John and Hannah Cotton — Dec. 8th. 
Richard Jacob sonne of Richard & Mary Jacob — Dec. 16th. 
John Walley sonne of Thomas and Ann Walley — May 16th. 
Richard Sanders son of James & Virlinda Sanders — July 


Persons Buried 

William Russell — May 12th. 

ff ranees wife of Walter Price — May 15th. 

Winyfred wife of Henrick Wagman — June 14th. 

John Hinman jnr. — August 20th. 

Gabriel Powell — Aug 22d. 

Thomas Marchial sonne of Wm Marchial — July 12th. 

William Wilbrookes sonne of Jno Wilbrookes — July 21st. 

Nathl Spratling sonne to Elias Harter — Nov 4th. 

Mathew son of Edw Smith — Jan 7 6th. 

John Robinson — Jan y 15th. 

L James — Jan y 15th. 

Margaret wife of Daniel Johnson — June 15th. 
Elizabeth wife of Timothy Coe — March 7th. 
14 Mary Wheatly daughter of Daniel Wheatly — Jan r 8th. 

4 2 

William and Mary Quarterly 

Persons Married 

Thomas Poynter 
ffrances Jamis 
Thomas Smith 
Elizabeth Reynolds 

Lyt Isaac ffoxcroftl * 
Bridgett Charlton [ 
John Gorthan 
Bridgett Darcy 
Robt Hickison 
Elizabeth Crow 
Lyt Henry Bishop ) 
Anne Bowen % / 

Apr 1 

9 th 

Apr 1 

21 st 

Apr 1 

23 d 

Apr 1 

28 th 



I2 1 

Edwards Dunstan 
Elizabeth Lingoe 
Thomas Goodaker 
Elizabeth Pitt 
Thomas Davis 

Mav I2 1 

John Sturgis 
Dorothy Savage 
Dorman Swilliwan 
Anne Mecarrell 
Abraham Taylor 
Debora Kechine 
George Brickhouse 
Hanna, Luddington 
Thomas Dupark 
Elizabeth Powell 
Thomas Gilley 
Mary Manlow 
Andrew fYenn 
Jane Major 

Sept 1 

Oct br 20 th 

Nov br 3 d 

Nov br 4 th 

]\ T ov br 

br j^U 


Dec br 8 th 

o + w William Wilkinson 1 _, 

Mav 1 8 th „ „ , Dec 

Thomas Garrell 
Margaret Knight 
Edward Moore 
Elizabeth Turnor 
John ffausett 
Rhoda' Lamberton 




26 th 
26 th 
29 th 

June 2 ( 

June 2 i 

Lyt Nicholas Powel V_ 

a1. . -,- ; . > June 6 



Agnes Stratton 
Robt Hayes 
Jane Ecristall 
Daniel Dye 
Rosa Erevans 
Donock Dennis 
Elise Nebulian 



Mary Bucks 
John Rogers 
Mary Hewes 
Thomas Ryding 
Rose Yardley 
Joseph Harrison 
Anne frlybrass 
Robert Downes 
Mary Avory 
John Gray 
Jane Beman 
Daniel Ishonn 
Susanna Thomas 
John Tovynsend 
Elizabeth Danford 
William White 
Mary Moore 
Nicholas Hudson 
34 Elizabeth fireman 

Jan y Td 
Jan y 4 th 
Jan y 24 th 
Jan y 31" 
Feb y 7 th 
|peb y 9 th 
Feb y 9 th 
Feb y 16 th 
Feb y 16 th 

William and Mary Quarterly 43 

Teste Jno Lawrence 
Clerk of Hungars Parish in ye 

County of Northampton. 

In Lower Parish of Northampton County, 

Nicholas Ran 

married Dorothy 

Gerard Lilliston 

The foot of the page is torn and undecipherable and is noted 
by dashes in each case. At this time Rev. Ffrancis Doughty was 
the minister of Hungars Parish. He was from Long Island and 
belonged to the Dutch reformed church, which is the same as the 
Presbyterian. It is likely that he was the first of that denomina- 
tion to preach in this part of the country. In fact there were a 
great number of Dutch settlers here at that period, as will be 
noticed by reference to the old records of that time. 

44 William and Mary Quarterly 

By Armistead C. Gordon. 

(XXI William and Mary College Quarterly, p. 181 and 
seq. Id., p. 269 and seq.) 

1. Major John Stith, 1 in Virginia before 1656. (21 Quarterly, 

p. 182) md. Jane, widow of Joseph Parsons, and had 
issue : 

2. i. Capt. John Stith, 2 md. Mary Randolph. 

3. ii. Lieut-Col. Drury Stith, d. 1741. 

4. iii. Anne Stith, md. 1681. Col. Robert Boiling. 

2. Capt. John Stith 2 (John 1 ) (21 Quarterly, p. 183) md. Mary 

Randolph, and had issue: 

5. i. Rev. William Stith, b. 1707, d. Sept. 19, 1755; md. 
Judith Randolph, his first cousin (7 Quarterly, p. 99). 

6. ii. Lieut.-Col. John Stith (erroneously stated by Dr. John- 

ston to have been a son of Lieut.-Col. Drury Stith) (21 
( Quarterly, p. 187), md. Elizabeth Anderson, dau. of 
Rev. Charles Anderson of Westover. d. circa, 1758. 

7. iii. Mary Randolph Stith md. (first wife of ) Commissary 
William Dawson. 

3. Lieut.-Col. Drury Stith 2 (John 1 ) (21 Quarterly, p. 183) md. 

Susanna Bathurst, and had issue: 
6. i. , Lieut.-Col. Drury Stith of Brunswick Co. d. 1740. 
i,i. William Stith of Charles City County, d. 1749. 
[iii. Probably Jane, wife of Thomas Hardaway of Prince 
George Co., was another daughter as the names Stith and 
Drury descended regularly in the family. Hardaway 
family Quarterly, XX, 216. — Editor.] 

4. Anne Stith 2 (John 1 ) (21 Quarterly, p. 184), md. (2nd wife 

of) Robert Boiling and had issue : 
i. Robert Boiling, 
ii. Stith Boiling. 

William and Mary Quarterly 45 

iii. Edward Boiling. 
iv. Anne Boiling. 
* v. Drury Boiling. 
vi. Thomas Boiling. 
vii. Agnes Boiling. 
(For the descendants of 3 and 4, supra, see Dr. Johnstone's 
"The Stith Family/' 21 Quarterly.) 

5. Rev. William Stith 3 (John, 2 John 1 ) (21 Quarterly, p. 185) 
md. Judith Randolph, daughter of Thomas Randolph of 
Tuckahoe, and had issue: 

i. Judith Stith d. unmd. June 17, 1773. (6 Quarterly, p. 

8. ii. Elizabeth Stith, md. Dr. William Pasteur of Williams- 
burg, d. 1792. 

iii. Mary Stith, d. unmd. 1816. 

6. Lieut. -Col. John Stith 3 (John, 2 John 1 ), erroneously stated by 
Dr. Johnstone to have been the son of Lieut-Col. Drury 
Stith 2 and his wife, Susanna Bathurst, was the second son 
of Capt. John Stith 2 and his wife Mary Randolph, and 

, younger brother of Rev. William Stith, President of 
William and Mary College. He was of Charles City 
County; and married Elizabeth Anderson, dau. of Rev. 
Charles Anderson of Westover, and his wife, Frances. In 
1739 the will of Mrs. Frances Anderson was presented in 
Court by Frances Anderson, one of the executors, John 
Stith in behalf of his wife, admitted executor, and Jane 
and Charlotte Anderson the other executors. Charles 
City County Records, (4 Quarterly, p. 127). Lieut.- 
Col. John Stith and his wife, Elizabeth Anderson, had 
issue : 

9. i. Anderson Stith, md. before 1765 Joanna Bassett, dau. 
of William Bassett of Eltham, New iient Co., and his wife, 
Elizabeth Churchill, d. 1768. 

7. Mary Randolph Stith 3 (John, 2 John 1 ) md. Commissary Wil- 
liam Dawson. She was his first wife. Commissary Daw- 
son's second wife was Elizabeth Bassett (nee Churchill) 

46 William and Mary Quarterly 

widow of William Bassett of Eltham. Elizabeth Churchill 
was a daughter of William Churchill, the emigrant, and 
his wife, "Madame" Elizabeth Wormeley, (nee Arm- 
istead). (Keith's Ancestry of Benj. Harrison, p. 30.) 
By her first marriage with William Bassett Elizabeth 
Churchill had a daughter, Joanna Bassett, who married 
Anderson Stith, son of Lieut.-Col. John Stith and his wife, 
Elizabeth Anderson. (See "Anderson Stith," Post.) 

"William Dawson was son of William of Aspatria, 
Cumberland, pleb. Queen's Cottage, matric. 11 March, 
1719-20, B. A. 22 Feb., 1724-25 M. A. 1728; D. D. by 
Diploma 10 Feb., 1746-47, then President of Wiliamsburg 
College in Virginia." Foster's Oxford Matriculations. 
(2 Quarterly, p. 51 note. (2) ). 

Mary Randolph Stith and her husband, Commissary 
William Dawson had issue : 

10. i. Colonel John Dawson of Williamsburg, mar. Mary 
Johnstone, dau. of Governor Gabriel Johnstone, of Eden- 
ton, N. C. 

11. ii. Mary Dawson md. 1756, Ludwell Grymes. 

8.' Elizabeth Stith* (Wm., 3 John, 2 John 1 ) married Dr. William 
Pasteur of Williamsburg, and died in 1792. She is said 
by a writer in 3 Quarterly, p. 275, to have died without 
issue in that year. Dr. Johnston states (21 Quarterly, p. 
185) that she d. s. p." ; and follows this with the state- 
ment that she "had a son William Stith Pasteur (b. 12th 
November 1762) who seems to have died young." 

An account of the Pasteur family is to be found in 
3 Quarterly, pp. 274-5. Elizabeth Pasteur, who was 
probably a niece of Dr. William Pasteur, married Dec. 
24, 1793, Richard Harrison Long, son of Col. Nicholas 
Long of Halifax, N. C. Richard, Harrison Long was a 
brother of Mary Long, who md. Colonel Bassett Stith, 
son of Anderson Stith and Joanna Bassett. (Long Family 
Bible). Ann M. Pasteur, probably another niece of Dr. 
William Pasteur, was one of the witnesses to the will of 
Richard Harrison Long of Halifax, N. C, dated Feb. 

William and Mary Quarterly 47 

17, 1810, prob. May Session 1810, Will Book 3, p. 99, 
Halifax Co., N. C. Fanny Pasteur, probably another 
niece of Dr. Pasteur, is named in the will of Mrs. Mary 
Long {nee Coupland), wife of Lunsford Long of Hali- 
fax, N. C, who was a brother of Mary Long, who mar- 
ried Col. Bassett Stith. (See post "Bassett Stith.") The 
will of Mrs. Mary Lunsford Long, who married Lunsford 
Long in 1799, (Long Family Bible), is dated May 25, 
181 1, and prob. November Session 181 1, Will Book 3, p. 
522 Halifax Co., N, C. , 

Dr. William Pasteur died March, 1791. In his will 
he mentions his wife, Elizabeth Pasteur, his nephew Wil- 
liam Pasteur, his niece Anne Smith, and his sister Ann 
Craig, wife of Thomas Craig. Mrs. Pasteur died in 1792 
intestate, and the fact that her sister, Mary Stith, who 
survived till 1816, was her sole distributee would indicate 
that any children which she and her husband, Dr. William 
Pasteur, might have had, had pre-deceased her. (Burwell 
vs. Anderson, 3 Leigh's Reports, 348.) 

They had issue : 
i. William Stith Pasteur, born Nov. 12, 1762 (3 Quar- 
terly, 275) who appears to have died unm. and without 

Major Anderson Stith* (John, 3 John, 2 John 1 ) was, as stated 
by Dr. Johnston (21 Quarterly, p. 191), a practicing 
lawyer in Charles City County in 1755. He married at 
Eltham, New Kent County, Va., some time before the 
year 1766, Joanna Bassett. daughter of Col. William 
Bassett (3rd) and his wife, Elizabeth Churchill, who, as 
heretofore narrated, was the second wife of Commissary 
W r illiam Dawson. Joanna Bassett's older sister, Elizabeth 
Bassett, was the wife of Benjamin, Harrison, the Signer 
of the Declaration of Independence, and the ancestor of the 
Harrison Presidents. (Keith's Ancestry of Benj. Har- 
rison, p. 30). A younger sister of Elizabeth and Joanna 
Bassett married Rev. Thomas Dawson, brother of Rev. 
William Dawson, and himself a President of William and 
Mary College. William Bassett (3rd), of Eltham, was 

48 William and Mary Quarterly 

the son of William Bassett (2nd), and his wife, Joanna 
Burwell, daughter of Lewis Burwell (2nd) and his wife, 
Abigail Smith (2nd, p. 36). 

Major Anderson Stith died in 1768 in King William 
County, Virginia, and his widow, who survived him, was 
living in 1774. 

Anderson Stith and his wife, Joanna Bassett, had 
issue : 

12. i. Colonel Bassett Stith, of Halifax, N. C, born in 1765, 
md. July 8, 1790, Mary Long, dau. of Colonel Nicholas 
Long, of Halifax, and his wife, Mary McKinne, and died 
there August, 181 7. (Long Family Bible, in possession of 
Mrs. Gen. Junius Daniel, of Henderson, N. C. See 
McRee's Life of Iredell, for an account of the wedding of 
Col. Bassett Stith and Mary Long.) 

ii. Elizabeth Stith, d. unmarried at Halifax, N. C, sur- 
viving her brother, Bassett, for many years. 
ii. Major John Stith moved to Georgia. 

10. Colonel John Dawson 4 (Mary Randolph Stith, 3 John, 2 John 1 ), 
Williamsburg, Virginia, md. Mary Johnstone, daughter 
' of Gabriel Johnstone, Colonial Governor of North Caro- 
lina, and his wife, Penelope Eden, who was a daughter of 
Charles Eden, also a Governor of North Carolina, from 
1720 to 1722. Both the Johnstone and the Eden families 
were residents of Edenton, N. C. (Col. Cadwalader 
Jone's ''Genealogical History." Privately printed, Colum- 
bia, S. C, 1900, page 66.) 

Colonel John Dawson and his wife, Mary Johnstone, 
had issue : 
i. William Johnstone Dawson, member U. S. Congress, 


13. ii. Penelope Eden Dawson md. Tristram Lovvther, of 
North Carolina. "They had William, md. Annie Sawyer, 
Maria, md. Joseph B. Skinner. They had Tristram 
Skinner, a gallant officer, who fell at Sharpsburg, and 
Penelope, md. Thomas D. Warren, of Edenton." (Col. 
Jones' Genealogical History," p. 66.) 

William and Mary Quarterly 49 

11. Mary Dawson* (Mary Randolph Stith, 3 John, 2 John 1 ), mar- 

ried Ludwell Grymes. From Deed Book H. (1771-1774), 
Spotsylvania (Va.) County Records (p. 283), it appears 
that on May 18, 1771, Ludwell Grymes, of Orange Co., 
and Mary, his wife, conveyed to Thomas Walker of Fred- 
ericksburg, for £37 curr. Lot 236 in the town of Fred- 

Mary Dawson Grymes will, dated May 15, 1787, and 
proved June 23, 1788, mentions her daughter, Hannah 
Grymes and her son John Grymes ; and also gives legacies 
Mary Maury, daughter of Rev. Walker Maury, and to 
Mary Moore, daughter of William Moore. The executors 
were Hon. James Madison, Esq., Hardin Burnley, Thomas 
Barbour, Esq., and Mr. Henry Fry. (5 Quarterly p. 
208.) In 1795 there is in the Orange records an account 
of John D. Grymes as administrator of Ludwell Grymes, 
in which he charges for expenses incurred by "travelling 
to Williamsburg to attend suits in the high court of chan- 
cery" between Ludwell Grymes and Walker Maury, and 
by having "the graves of his father and mother paled in." 

Mary Dawson and her husband, Ludwell Grymes, had 
issue : 

14. i. Mary Grymes, md. Rev. Walker Maury. 

15. ii. Elizabeth Johnstone Grymes, md. Rev. William Moore. 
iii. John Dawson Grymes. 

iv. Hannah Grymes. 

12. Colonel Bassett Stith 5 (x\nderson, 4 John, 3 John, 2 John 1 ), was 

born at Eltham, New Kent Co., Va. in 1765. He married 
in Halifax, N. C, July 8, 1790, "at the age of 25," Mary, 
daughter of Colonel Nicholas Long of Quankey, Halifax, 
Co., N. C, and his wife, Mary McKinne. He was a mem- 
ber of the North Carolina House of Commons for the 
session of 1802 (Wheeler's Hist. N. C, vol. 2, p. 202). 
His will is recorded in Halifax, Will Book, No. 3, p. 607. 
It is dated Jan. 13 1816, and prob. August Session, 1817. 
It gives to his wife, Mary Stith, and all of his children 

50 William and Mary Quarterly 

his estate to be equally divided, and names his sons, Wil- 
liam Anderson Stith and Albert Augustus Bassett Stith 
(with others), "to be executors, when they shall arrive of 
lawful age." (Keith's Ancestry of Benj. Harrison, p. 30; 
Long Family Bible.) 

Colonel Bassett Stith and his wife, Mary Long, had 
issue : 

16. i. Maria Stith, md. Judge Joseph T. Daniel, of Halifax, 
N. C. 

17. ii. Mary Long Stith, md. Edrriund Freeman, of Raleigh, 
N. C. 

18. iii. Virginia Stith, md. Nathaniel Macon Eaton, of War- 
renton, N. C. 

iv. William Anderson Stith, d. unmd. 

v. Albert Augustus Bassett Stith, d. unmd. 

19. vi. Nicholas Long Bassett Stith, md. Anna Austin Hill. 

20. vi. Martha E. Stith, md. Gen. J. R. J. Daniel, of Halifax, 
N. C. 

21. viii. Lavinia Bassett Stith, md. Robert Newsome, of Nor- 
folk, Va. 

ix. Sarah Frances Washington Stith, b. Jan. 14, 1909, md. 
Gen. J. R. J. Daniel (his second wife) and died s. p. in 
Washington, D. C., Nov. 26, 1895. 

13. Penelope Eden Dawson 5 (Col. John Dawson, 4 Mary Ran- 
dolph Stith, 3 John, 2 John 1 ), married Tristram Lowther, 
, of Bertie Co., N. C, son of William Lowther, of New 
, York, and Barbara Gregory, his wife. William Lowther's 
will, March 28, 1782, is recorded in the clerk's office of 
of the Superior Court at Edenton, N. C. It names his 
wife, Barbara. Tristram Lowther's will, Feb. 18, 1796, 
is recorded in the same office. It names his wife, Pene- 
lope and Samuel Johnstone, James Iredell, and his bro.- 
in-law, Wm. Johnstone Dawson (2 N. C. Hist and Genea- 
logical Register, Edenton, N. C, p. 8). 

Penelope Eden Dawson and Tristram Lowther, her 
husband, had issue : 

22. i. William Dawson Lowther, md. Eliza Ann Sawyer. 

William and Mary Quarterly 51 

23. ii. Maria Louise Lowther, md. Nov. 16, 1804, Joseph 
Blair Skinner. 

14. Mary Grymes 5 (Mary Dawson, 4 Mary Randolph Stith, 3 

John, 2 John 1 ) married Rev. Walker Maury. 
They had issue: 
i. James Maury. 

24. ii. Mary Stith Maury married W. Hay. 

25. iii. Ann Tunstall Maury md. Isaac Hite. 

26. iv. William Stith Maury md. A. Wool folk. 

27. v. Leonard Hill Maury md. V. ■ Campbell. • 

28. vi. Penelope Johnstone Fontaine Maury md. Robert Polk. 
(Huguenot Emigration to Va.) 

15. Elizabeth Johnstone Gryrtues 5 (Mary Dawson 4 Mary Ran- 

dolph Stith, 3 John, 2 John 1 ), married Rev. William Moore. 
She died March 31, 1852, in the 87th year of her age. 

In 5 Quarterly, p. 208, is reproduced an obituary of 
Mrs. Moore, which appeared in the Nashville, Tenn., 
Republican Banner, April 15, 1852, stating that she was 
born in Gloucester County, Va., and was "the second 
daughter of Ludwell and Mary Grymes, and the grand- 
daughter of Rev. William Dawson of William & Mary 
College. " Her parents removed to Burlington, their 
county-seat in Orange County, where she married the Rev. 
William Moore, then an itinerant Methodist minister, and 
afterwards settled in Fluvanna County, where they re- 
mained a few years, and then moved to the vicinity of 
Milton, N. C, where they raised their family, and in 1820 
removed to Robertson County, Tenn." (5 Quar., 208). 
Elizabeth Johnstone Grymes and Wm. Moore, her hus- 
band, had issue : 

i. Moore, md. W. C. Richmond, of Robertson 

Co., Tenn. 

ii. Moore, md. Durrett, and had — 

issue : 

iii. Moore, md. Durrett Richards, of Nashville, 

Tenn., and died about 1820, leaving issue: (5 Guar., 
208-209. ) 

(To Be Continued.) 

52 William and Mary Quarterly 


Communicated by Lothrop Wtthington, 30 Little Russell St., 

W. C, London. 

22 July 1656. Robert Whitehair 1 of London, Merchant, 
landed at Dover the nth present out .of the James of London, 
Capt. Nathaniell Cook, Comander from Virginia and came to 
London the 14th and lodgith at ye house of Philip Wingfield, 
Baker in Bishopsgate street, and saith that being returned, his 
business is to settle himself in his merchandizing affairs. 

23 July 1656. George Light, 2 Planter in Virginia landed at 
Dover the nth present out of the James of London, Capt. 
Nathaniell Cook Comander from Virginia and came to London 
the 14th and lodgith at the house of mr. John Light Merchant 
his father in the new buildings neare the Spittle in the parish 
of Botolph Bishopsgate and saith that his business is to make 
sale of such comodities as he brought with him from Virginia. 

23 July 1656. Thomas Simson, Englishman, Planter in Vir- 
ginia landed at Dover the 26 of June last out of the Anne of 
London, Capt. Daniel Geylde Comander from Virginia and came 
to London the 27th and lodgith at ye house of John Rogers and 
saith his business is to make sale of such comodities as he brought 
over with him. 

23rd of July 1656. Thomas Prettyman of London, Merchant 
landed at Deal in Kent the 16th present out of the Freeman of 
London, John Willis Master from Virginia and came to London 
the 18th and lodgeth at ye house of Mr. George Dauson at the 
blew Bore over against Yorke house in the Strande in the parish 
of Martin in the fields and saith his business is to trade to and 
from Virginia in Merchandize. 

1 Robert Whitehair is mentioned in the York County, Virginia Records, 
in 1665. 

2 George Light appears in the same records about 1658. 

William and Mary Quarterly 53 

20 August 1656. Jenkin Price 3 late Planter in Virginia 
landed at Lyme Regis in the county of Norfolk the 14th present 
out of a dutch dogir boat from the Brill and came to London 

the 19th and lodgeth at ye house of Mr. Briscoe at ye 

Green dragon in Bishopsgate street in ye parish of great St. 
Hellen and saith that having lived at Virginia about 17 years 
he went from thence to Holland where he sold his adventure of 
Tobacco and being returned into England intendeth with his 
wife to settle themselves at Canterbury. 

7th March 1656-7. Robert Terrell 4 , of London,. Merchant, 
landed at Dover the 6th present out of the honor of London from 
Virginia and came to London last night and lodgeth at ye house 
of William Terrill Grocer in Thames street in the parish of little 
Alhallows and saith that his business is in a way of merchandiz- 
ing to and from Virginia. 

Add MSS 34015, Vol II., B. M. 

a Jenkin Price was a resident of Accomac, and in 1660 the General 
Assembly gave him 500 pounds of tobacco for preserving the life of Col. 
Henry Norwood. Major Francis Moryson, Major Philip Stevens, and 
Major Francis Cary, fugitive Cavaliers who were abandoned in January, 
1650, ,on an island in Assateague Bay. They made shift to get to the 
mainland, where they were kindly treated by the Indians. Soon after 
Jenkin Price arrived to trade for furs, and under his guidance they began 
their journey to Nathaniel Littleton's Plantation on the west side, which 
they reached after two days. They visited Stephen Charleton and Argall 
Yardley, son of the former governor, Sir George Yardley. Crossing the 
Bay a month later, they went up York River and landed at Esquire Lud- 
low's (now ''Temple Farm") at the time Col. Christopher Wormeley, on 
the other 'side of Wormeley's Creek, was entertaining Sir Thomas Luns- 
ford and 1 other fugitive Cavaliers. 

4 Robert Terrell was a resident of York County, and was probably a 
kinsman of Richmond Terrell of that county, living in 1660, who was the 
founder of a well-known Virginia family. 

54 William and Mary Quarterly 

BURGESSES, 1727-1734. 

(Continued from Vol XXL, p. 257.) 

February 1, 1727. — The General Assembly convened this day at 
Williamsburg, before the Hon. William Gooch, Gover- 
nor. Oaths administered by Richard Fitz William, 
John Grymes, William Dandridge and John Curtis, 
Esqrs., to 46 Burgesses, to John Randolph, Esq., 
clerk of the House, and Philip Finch, gent., sergeant- 
at-arms. John Holloway unanimously chosen speaker. 
"And the mace was brought in and laid under the table." 
Speech of Governor Gooch. He recommended a bat- 
tery at Point Comfort and a light house at Capt. Henry. 

February 2. — Miles Cary appointed clerk to the committees of 
Privileges and elections, and of Public claims, Mr. 
, Fontaine appointed Chaplain. William Francis, Nich- 

olas Wager, William Johnson, and John Mundel ap- 
pointed door keepers of the Flouse. 

February 5. — Mr. Richard Hickman appointed clerk of the Com- 
mittee of Propositions and Grievances. A petition of 
Nicholas Jones, clerk, to more effectually compel 
Quakers to pay parish levies. 

February 6. — Petition of Nathan Newby and Robert Jordan 
that the Quakers be exempted from Military service. 

Petition of Esdras Theodor Edzard, clerk, minister of 
Hanover parish, King George Co. 

A petition of Gawin Corbin, Richard Johnson, and John 
Dixon complaining of an undue election of John Robin- 
son. Ordered that William Todd, Robert Baylor, Henry 
Hickman and Robert Dudley, gent, Justices of the Peace 
for the County of King and Queen examine witnesses. 



William and Mary Quarterly 55 

Ordered that Mr. Blair, Mr. Robert Armistead, Mr. 
Hollier and Mr. Roscow do report on the present con- 
dition of the battery at Point Comfort. 

February 7. — Ordered that James Wallace and Jacob Walker, 
two of the justices of Elizabeth City County, be sent 
for to answer for not certifying a complaint against 
the vestry of the parish. 

February 8. — Inhabitants of that part of St. Peter's parish, 
formerly a part of Wilmington parish, petition for a 
chapel, and inhabitants of that part of Blissland parish 
formerly Wilmington petition to be united to St. Peter's. 
Petitions rejected. 

February 9. — Petition of Charles Kymball for his usual allow- 
ance as interpreter for the Sapony Indians. 

February 10. — Petition of Henry Embry, William Wynne and 
Richar'd Burch for a reward for apprehending two 
negroes slaves, who murdered their Master Henry 
Mr. Jacob Walker and Mr. James Wallace attended and 
1 gave their reason for not certifying the grievances of 
several inhabitants, after paying fees. 

February 13. — Edward West taken into custody for insulting 
Mr. Andrews, a member. 
A petition of John Tyler was presented to the House & 
read, praying to be allowed some recompence for his 
service in overseeing and finishing the Magazine & 
the two wings of the church, which were built- by the 
Donation of the General Assembly. 

February 14. — Edward West knelt at the bar, was reprimanded 
by the speaker, and upon his knees asked pardon of 
Mr. Andrews and of this house. 

February 20. — A petition of Godfrey Pole was presented to 
this house and read, reciting that he ha3 been clerk of 
the Commitee of Propositions & Grievances for ten 

56 • William and Mary Quarterly 

years and that by reason of bad weather and sickness 
he had been prevented from applying for the office at 
the beginning of the session. Mr. Hickman being will- 
ing to resign said office, Mr. Pole was appointed ac- 

February 22. — William Parks authorized to print the laws of 
the Colony now T in force. 

February 2$. — The committee appointed report upon the battery 
at Point Comfort. It had twenty large iron cannon 
some so honey combed that they are not fit for 
service. The soil near the Point is sand, and they 
recommend a battery of twelve guns to be placed a 
little further back, which will command the channel that 
is nearly a mile over. £250 pds sufficient to build and 
erect the said battery. The House resolves that the 
charge should be paid out of the Revenue of two shill- 
ings -<p hogshead on tobacco & fifteen pence ton 
upon shipping, which was one of the purposes of laying 
these duties. 

February 27. — £500 ordered to be paid the Lt. Governor as an 
evidence of the respect of all the people of Virginia 
for his great zeal and kind and affable behavior to all 
degrees of people. 

March 5. — A petition of Mr. Graeme, the attorney of Col. Spots- 
wood, in regard to certain vouchers. 

March 8. — Report of the committee regarding the funds put 
in Col. Spotswood's hands in the seventeenth year of the 
reign of the late King George. 

March 16. — Petition of Sundry German Protestants, inhabiting 
near the mountains in the county of Spotsylvania, pray- 
ing to be settled in a separate parish, to the end they 
may be enabled to procure and maintain a minister of 
their own language. 

William and Mary Quarterly 57 

March 28. — Petition of Mrs. Elizabeth Page of London, admin- 
istratrix of her brother John Page, Eq., deceased, that 
the money due said John Page for a parcel of land 
upon which part of the City of Williamsburg is built 
be paid to Mann Page, her attorney. 
Mr. John Randolph appointed agent to solicit the House 
of commons of Great Britain for a repeal of a late act 
of Parliament prohibiting the importation of tobacco 
stript from the stalk. 

March 30. — House prorogued till Nov. 14, next. 

Thursday, May 21, 1730. — The House convenes after Several pro- 
rogations. Mr. Richard Hickman appointed clerk of 
the Committee for Propositions and Grievances in the 
room of Mr. Godfrey Pole, deceased. 

May 26. — A petition of the German inhabitants of the German 
town, in the county of Stafford, praying to be exempted 
from paying a tax to the parish in which their own lies 
during the life of Mr. Haeger, their minister. They 
set forth that for several years they have maintained a 
' minister of of their own nation. 

Resolved re mine contradicente that John Randolph, Esq., 
be paid £1000 for his expenses to Great Britain and re- 
turning, and as recompense for his obtaining a repeal of 
a clause of an act of Parliament made in the ninth year 
of the reign of the late King George, the first, prohibit- 
ing the importation of tobacco stript from the stalk or 
stem into Great Britain. 

May 27. — The governor recommends an allowance to Capt. 
Embry, who with 37 men of the militia of Surry County, 
was sent out to scour the southern frontiers of mis- 
chievous Indians on account of a murder committed. 
Ordered that the small windows in the end of the chamber 
of the House of Burgesses and those in the General 
Court be altered and made into sash windows uniform to 
the rest. Council's concurrence desired. 

58 William and Mary Quarterly 

May 30. — Petition of William Todd complaining of the act to 
erect the town of Falmouth on his land. 

June 11. — Petition of Samuel Harwood, the elder, and John 
Edloe, church-wardens of Westover parish, in Charles 
City County, for permission to sell certain church lands, 
and to purchase with the funds a new glebe. 

June 23. — Petition of Frances Greenhill, widow of Joseph Green- 
hill deceased. 

June 25. — Officers of the General Assembly paid: John Randolph, 
clerk of the House of Burgesses £100, William Robert- 
son, clerk of the General Assembly £50, Richard Hick- 
man, clerk of the Committee of Propositions and Griev- 
ances £40, Benjamin Needier, clerk of the Committee 
of Courts of Justice £40, Miles Cary, clerk of the Com- 
mittee of Publick Claims £40, Philip Finch, sergeant at 
arms £40, Francis Fontaine, chaplain of the Flouse £20, 
doorkeeper of the council £20, doorkeepers of the House 
Nicholas Wager, John Marshall, William Francis and 
John Marshall £7.10 each. 

June } 2J. — A petition of the Justices of Elizabeth City County 
regarding 810 acres left by Thomas Eaton for main- 
taining a free school and for the education of poor 

June 30. — Address of the Burgesses to the King against the 
royal grants of the Northern Neck, and asking to be 
'relieved of them. 

July 1. — Richard Fitzwilliam, Esq., censured by the House for 
a paper entered upon the council Journal complaining of 
the House for passing an act paying themselves in 
money and not in tobacco. 

July 8. — £100 appropriated to build a covered way from the 
Governor's house to the offices belonging thereto. 

July 9. — The Governor assents to the acts of the session, and the 
House is adjourned to the 12th of November next. 

William and Mary Quarterly 59 

Aug. 22, 1734. — The House reconvenes. Sir John Randolph re- 
signs as clerk, and Benjamin Needier succeeds him. 

Aug. 24. — John Holloway resigns as Speaker, and Sir John 
Randolph elected. 

Aug. 30. — Petition of Mr. Charles Chiswell, in behalf of him- 
self and the Fredericksville Company, setting forth that 
in 1732 he sent to the Assembly certificates of persons 
employed in iron works in Hanover and Spotsylvania 
Counties in 1731 & 1732, and of the parish and county 
levies paid for said persons. Having been partially 
reimbursed, asks for a- full reimbursement. 

Sept. 4. — A petition of Robert Bernard and Charles Tomkies, 
gents., for docking an entail on lands. 
A petition of Miles Wills to keep a public Ferry from 
his own landing on Mulberry Island in Warwick County 
to his plantation in Isle of Wight. A bill to restrain 
the people of Yorktown from keeping two great a 
number of cattle, horses, sheep or hogs. 

September 5. — A petition of Anne Freeman, widow, and Robert 
Freeman, son and heir apparent of said Anne, Eliza- 
beth Shackelford, widow, and James Shackelford, sor 
and heir apparent of said Elizabeth, and Henry Willis 
to dock an entail on 900 acres in the parish of Ware, 
Gloucester Co., whereof the said Anne Freeman and 
Elizabeth Shackelford were lately seised in fee tail 
as coparceners and settle to the same uses lands of 
Henry Willis in Spotsylvania Co. 

Sept. 7. — Petition of William Ford, constable for the county 
of James City and the City of Williamsburg. 
Complaint of sundry citizens of Nansemond County in 
regard to the inconvenient situation of their clerk's 
office and the destruction by fire of records of that 

September 10. — Petition of Francis Gouldman. 

60 William and Mary Quarterly 

September 12. — Petition of Thomas Dickson, sergeant of the 
Hustings Court of Williamsburg. 

Sept. 21: — Petition of the Nottoway Indians, setting forth that 
they possess a tract of land on the southside of the 
Nottoway river in the parish of Warwicksqueak, in 
the county of Isle of Wight, and another tract three 
miles in circumference around the Indian Fort, on the 
north side of said river; ask to be allowed to sell the 
latter tract. 
Petition of the President and Masters of the College of 
William and Mary. 

Sept. 23. — An order to take Thomas Underwood into custody. 

Sept. 25. — A petition of the inhabitants and freeholders of 
Jamestown was presented to the House and read, set- 
ting forth that of late years there have been such great 
breaches between the river and creek at Sandy Bay, that 
it is now so dangerous to pass that it is become necessary 
to secure the banks for a great way on both sides of the 
said Bay against the violence of the river; and that 
the charge of these works will be so great that the 
same cannot be supported without the assistance of the 
public, asks for help. Petition rejected. 

Sept. 26. — Petition of Hancock Dunbar, Clerk, parson of the 
parish of St. Stephen in the County of King and Queen. 

Oct. 1. — Petition of Air. Drury Stith, surveyor of the county 

of Brunswick, stating that he did at his own expense 

' run and mark the several dividing lines between the said 

county and the counties of Prince George, Surry and 

Isle of Wight. 

Oct. 4. — The Speaker and the House attend the governor in the 
council chamber for his approval of the acts of the 
session. In the course of his address the Speaker 
eulogized the Governor for having by his wise, dis- 
creet and conciliating conduct banished from the coun- 
try all faction and parties. And then the Assembly 
was prorogued to the second Thursday in May next. 

William and Mary Quarterly 6i 

May 18, 1732. — The House reconvenes after prorogation from 
time to time. The Governor makes a speech to the 
council and Burgesses assembled in the council room. 
He tells them that his majesty on petition of the British 
merchants has repealed the act containing the duty 
on liquors, and that he has received an instruction pro- 
hibiting the laying any duty on slaves to be paid by the 

May 23. — Petition of William Wilson Holmes and Mary his 

wife and Richard Barnes for docking land in the county 

of Richmond. 
Petition of Richard Coleman, William Thornton and 

Francis Thornton. 
Petition of Augustine Smith, a member of the House, 

Major of the militia in Spotsylvania County. 
Petition of William Woodford, of the county of Caroline. 

June 20. — A reward of 100 £ offered for the conviction of the 
person who burned St. Mark'sParish Church in the 
County of Spotsylvania. 

June 28. — John Randolph appointed agent for this colony & 
£2200 to be paid him for his expenses. 

July 1. — The governor prorogues the Assembly. 

62 William and Mary Quarterly 

{See Quarterly, XXI, 292-293.) 

Some Corrections by Prof. William E. Dickinson, Morgan- 
town, West Virginia. 

James Cole was not a resident of Louisa, but of Goochland 
County. Among the vestrymen listed in the St. James Northam 
Parish Register were three of my ancestors, viz. : Henry W'ood, 
Captain William Pryor (later a colonel of militia) and James 
Cole (October, 1756) (later a captain). This register also con- 
tains a birth and marriage record of the children of Captain 
James Cole and wife, Mary Wills, as well as a record of the 
death of the captain and his wife. The Virginia Gazette, 
Feb. 5, 1780, contains a notice of the sale of the "Estate of 
Captain James Cole, late deceased, of Goochland County/' ad- 
vertised by William Cole and Jo. Cole. The latter was intended 
probably for James Cole, a son of Captain James Cole. Re- 
garding the evidence that Captain James Cole was son of William 
Cole, of Warwick County, and Mary Roscow, and a grandson 
of Col. William Cole, Secretary of State, and Martha Lear, 
daughter of Col. John Lear, my family tradition bears out the 
statement. And when we consider that Captain James Cole's 
daughter, Mary, my grandfather's grandmother, was personally 
known by my grandfather, who died in 1895. the family account 
of her ancestry back three and four generations is hardly tradi- 
tion. My father, William Cole Dickinson, bears the name of his 
distinguished ancestor. He as well as my 'grandfather, has often 
talked of the proud, eccentric old lady, Mary (Cole) Dickson, 
who died at the age of eighty-one, only thirteen years before 
the birth of my father. In stating the issue of Captain James 
Cole and Mary Wills, you should have listed them as follows : 
(1) Mary (b. Dec. 19, 1747); (2) James (b. Dec. 24, 1751) ; 

William and Mary Quarterly 63 

(3) William (b. May 2, 1755) ; (4) Catherine (b. May 31, 1753) ; 
(5) Susannah (b. March 23, 1760) (6) Roscow (b. March 9, 
1762) ; (7) Susannah (b. Aug. 19, 1766). 

W T hile Mary (Wills) Cole died in July, 1770, in Goochland 
County, it is not her tombstone that is on the Dickinson planta- 
tion in Louisa. And the dates you gave for James Dickinson 
are those on the tombstone of his wife, Mary. At "Belle Isle," 
the old Dickinson home near Frederick Hall, Louisa County, 
are some well preserved tombstones. One is in memory of James 
Dickinson, born in 1742, died Sept., 1828; another is in memory 
of Mary (Cole), wife of Jame§ v Dickinson, born in 1748 (should 
have been Dec. 19, 1747), died April, 1830. 

Your list of the children of James Dickinson and Mary Cole, 
which is correct, contains that of my great-grandfather, Captain 
James Cole Dickinson. He was born Dec. 24, 1781, according 
to the St. James Northam Parish Register, but December '25th, 
according to his family Bible and his tombstone. From his Bible 
the following was extracted. 

James Cole Dickinson married Oct. 15, 1800, Mary San- 
dridge, daughter of Joseph Sandridge and Mary Shelton. Their 
children: (1) Roscow Cole (b. June 21, 1802); (2) Jane Rob- 
ertson (b. July 9, 1804) ; (3) Joseph Sandridge (b. March 20, 
1818) ; (4) Elizabeth L. A. (b. Jan. 12, 1810, d. March 2J, 
(5) Lucy Ann Overton (b. Dec. 14, 1815) ; (6) James Thomas 
(b. April 6, i8i7( (7) Mary Lewis (b. Jan. 20, 1823); (8) 
Claudius (b. Feb. 20, 1825). 

(In' a bill of complaint directed to the justices of Charles 
City County sitting in chancery, in the suit of Cole vs Edmund- 
son & als., m 1774, the orator, William Cole, of said county, 
"eldest son and heir at law" of William Cole deceased, states that 

his father died in or about the year seventeen fifty , "leaving 

your orator's mother Elizabeth his widow and three children to 
wit : your orator and a son named Richard and a daughter named 
Mary all infants of very tender years." The will of the father 
bore date Oct. 24, 1750, and Roscow Cole and Miles Cary were 
his executors. In the month of March, 1752, the widow Eliza- 

64 William and Mary Quarterly 

beth applied for letters of administration. In 1756 she married 
Philip Par Edmondson. William Cole, the deceased father, 
owned during his lifetime Buckland in Charles City County and 
lands in Warwick County. The son, the orator, is declared in 
the bill to have come of age about the middle of June, 1765. 

William Cole, the father, was the grandson of Col. William 
Cole and brother, it is presumed, of Capt. James Cole. — Editor.) 


The following extract from Mr. C. P. Keith's account in 
"Ancestry of Benjamin Harrison," gives all that can be relied 
upon regarding the early history of this interesting Virginia 
family : 

"There is a tradition that the Armisteads derive their name 
and origin from Darmstadt, and the seat of the elder line in 
Virginia was called 'Hesse.' Without deciding when or whether 
in modern times they crossed the German Ocean, it is sufficient to 
say that they were Englishmen, for several generations before 
William Armistead came to America, the name, with varied 
spelling, frequently appearing in Yorkshire Records of the time 
of Queen Elizabeth. The emigrant to America seems, from 
the names of his children, Anthony and Frances, to have been 
the son of Anthony 'Armistead,' of Kirk Deighton, Yorkshire, 
and Frances Thompson of the same place, who obtained a 
marriage license in the year 1608. On August 3, 16 10, 'William 
y e son ( of Anthony Armsteed, of Kirk Deighton,' was baptized 
in All Saints' Church, the only church in the parish. 

"Search for a few years later disclose the facts that this child, 
whom I suppose the emigrant, passed safely through the period 
of tender infancy; at least, no burial can t be found. His father 
continued to reside there, having other children, and a contem- 
porary named Thomas Armistead, who also had a family. The 
emigrant's marriage did not take place there, if, as I assume, 

* Published in Vol. VI, No. I, which is out of print, and now repub- 
lished here for greater convenience. 

William and Mary Quarterly 65 

it was later than 1627 and prior to 1634. William 'Armistead' 
received a patent in 1636 from Captain John West, governor 
of Virginia, for four hundred and fifty acres in Elizabeth City 
county, lying southeast upon the land of Mr. Southell, northeast 
upon the land of John Brancz (Branch?), easterly upon the 
creek, westerly to the woods ; among the persons he had trans- 
ported to a colony being his wife Anne. The name is spelt 
'Armstead' in a patent of 1661." 

Hence I, Anthony Armistead, of Kirk Deighton, York- 
shire, and Frances Thompson, his wife, of the same place had 
issue: 2, William Armistead, baptized August 3, 1610, in "All 
Saint's Church,'' the only church in the parish of Kirk Deighton. 
He emigrated to Virginia about 1635, and obtained large grants 
of land in Elizabeth City county, and subsequently Gloucester 
county. He died before 1660, as in that year, in the York county 
Virginia Records, his second son, John, was heir of his elder 
brother William, who died childless. He married Anne, and 
had issue, as far as known : 3, William, who in a deed recorded 
in Elizabeth City county, November 20, 1695, is named as his 
"sonne and heire," and who died without issue before 1660, when 
John Armistead, "as heyre and one of the Executors of M* 
William Armistead, made a power of attorney in York county"', 
4, John, the councillor and ancestor of President Harrison ; 5, 
Anthony, ancestor of President Tyler; 6, Frances, married first, 
Rev. Justinian Aylmer, of Jamestown; second, Lieutenant- 
Colonel Anthony Elliott, of Elizabeth City county and Middlesex 
county; third, Col. Christopher W r ormeley. She died May 25, 
1685. ,( Middlesex Parish Register.) In January, 1666, the 
will of Col. Elliott was admitted to record in Middlesex county. 
He names sons William, Thomas, Robert, and makes son William 
and brother John Armistead executors. In November, 1666, 
probate was granted Mr. Christopher Wormeley, in place of 
William Elliott and John Armistead, "as having married the 
relict." In 1671 Captain Wormeley sued, as having married 
the relict of Justinian Aylmer, of Jamestown. (General Court 
Records.) Aylmer, by his deposition in York county, was 
twenty-six in 1661. ( See also Hayden's Virginia Genealogies, 

66 William and Mary Quarterly 

Wormeley Family,) 7, Probably Ralph, who in 1678 patented 
forty-eight acres in Kingston parish, Gloucester county, for trans- 
porting one person. Was this Ralph father of John Armistead, 
of Rappahannock county? Under date of 1689 is this order: 
"Upon the information of Edw d Thomas that M r Dewell Pead, 
minister of South Farnham parish in this county, hath solemn- 
ized the rites of matrimony between John Armistead and Mary 
Brown, both of the same parish and county, contrary to the 
form of acts of Assembly, &c, ordered, &c." Mr. Pead is sum- 
moned to the next court to answer, but ( the case was evidently 
dropped, as no further order appears. John Armistead's in- 
ventory was recorded in Essex county in 1703, and Frances 
Moore was administrator. Across in Richmond county, form- 
erly part of old Rappahannock, is recorded the will of Francis 
Armistead, of South Farnham parish, proved in 1719. It names 
daughter Elizabeth, son John Armistead, wife Sarah, and in 
default of surviving issue gives his property to Francis Armi- 
stead, son of Ralph Armistead. The register preserved in the 
courthouse shows that his daughter Elizabeth was born March 
28, 1716, and son John was born February 26, 1718. It is prob- 
able that from this source, principally, comes the Armisteads 
whose names appear in the register of Kingston parish, Mathews 
county (formerly Gloucester). The entries are brought together 
here for convenience: 

Anne, daughter of Robert and Catharine Armistead, born 
October 17, 1756. 

Anne 1 , daughter of John and Anne Armistead, born x\pril 1, 

Ralph, son of Richard and Elizabeth Armistead, born June 
10, 1769. 

William, son of William and Mary Armistead, born October 
26, 1769. 

Francis, son of Currill and Margaret Armistead, born De- 
cember 8, 1772. 

William and Mary Quarterly 67 

Katy, daughter of Richard and Elizabeth Armistead, born 
January 21 1775. 

Dorothy Reade, daughter of George and Lucy Armistead, 
born May 23, 1775. • 

Sarah, daughter of Wm. Armistead, Esq., and Mary, his 
wife, born February 22, 1776. 

Mr. Starkey Armistead and Miss Mary Tabb were married 
June 19, 1773. 

Isaac Davis and Rebecca Armistead were married January 
9. *77h 


Brooke Family. — The following notes were taken by the 
county clerk from the mutilated records of King William County : 
(1) 1810, Deed of Richard Brooke, exor. of William Brooke, 
dec'd to John Hill, 520 acres, on Mattaponi River; (2) June 
2, 1803, deed of William Brooke to William Alvey 175 acres on 
Mattaponi River; (3) Jan. 20, 1795, Humphrey Brooke, Robert 
Brooke and William Brooke to William Dabney 400 acres where- 
on the late Col. Robert. Brooke lived; (4) Humphrey Brooke, 
Robert Brooke and W T illiam Brooke, legatees of Robert Brooke, 
late of King William County, to William Dabney, 220 acres; 
(5) January 20, 1775, same to Mann Satterwhite 160 acres. 

A Forgotten Ceremonial (See Quarterly, XVI., 24). — 
Monsieur A. Biguer, cultivateur, a Foucaucourt par Triancourt, 
Meuse, France, writes that he found in the library of an old 
doctor of the time of Louis XVI., a pamphlet of forty pages 
containing an address in Latin delivered by Dr. John Francis 
Coste at the time he received a degree (M. D.) from the college, 
June 12, 1782. The Latin title began Oratio habita in Capitolic 
Gidiehnopoliiano, and the address was described in what appears 
to have been an introduction in French as follows: "Discours 
prononce au capitole de Williamsburg dans L'Assemblee de 
L'Universite de Virginie le 12 June 1782 pour Tagregation 

68 William and Mary Quarterly 

ftonorieure de M. Coste, premier Medecin de L'Armee du Roi en 
Amerique." The Pamphlet was dedicated to George Washington, 
and the introduction tells us: "Ce discours a ete prono*ice dans 
une des Universites du Nouveau Monden presence de L'Armee 
Francoise." The pamphlet described by Dr. Humphreys as 
seen by him at the University of Virginia before the late fire 
which destroyed the library there, was doubtless a copy. As Gen- 
eral Washington, however, was not in the State at this time he 
could not have been present. Mr. Biguer's price for the pamph- 
let was Tf dix mille francs ferme," but as 'this sum was too much 
for the limited means of the College, the pamphlet remains in his 
possession. After the surrender of Cornwallis, in 1781, the Ameri- 
can army was dispersed North and South, but the French army 
marched to Williamsburg and spent the winter and summer at 
the "Rock Spring" on the north side of the city, near the Chesa- 
peake and Ohio Railroad station. In the College Library is a 
draft of the town made at this time by a French engineer in 
which the Wythe House, where Washington had his headquarters 
in September, 1781, is marked "Quartier General," signifying 
doubtless, that Count de Rochambeau, General-in-chief of the 
French, was staying in this house when Dr. Coste was honored 
by the College. 

Livingston. — Recent researches in Scotland by Mr. E. B. 
Livingston show that David Livingston, living circa 1650, had 
issue: William Livingston, merchant of Aberdeen, 1669, Col- 
lector Customs before May, 1685, and member of Parliament, 
1711-1713. He, William, married twice: (1) Bessie Guildhall 
and (2) Elizabeth Skene, and had issue: Agnes, Elizabeth, 
David, Elizabeth, Andrew, Joan, Robert, William, bapt. 19 Nov. 
1682, John, bapt. January 27, 1684, Alexander bapt. 24 May, 
1685, David, James. William Livingston and John Livingston 
are believed to have emigrated to Virginia. ' William Livingstcn, 
Merchant, came to Virginia before 1716 when he erected in 
Williamsburg the first theatre building in which, according to 
contract, Charls Stagg and his company exhibited comedies and 
tragedies. His wife, Susanna, in 1729 gave bond on his estate in the 
sum of £200. By her will proved in Spotsylvania County, in 

William and Mary Quarterly 69 

1746, she gave the plantation whereon she lived to Philip Rootes, 
Sr., of King and Queen Co. She left no children. John Liv- 
ingston lived in King and Queen Co., and was vestryman of 
Stratton Major Parish in 1 750-1 755. He was father of John 
Livingston, Jr., also a merchant of King and Queen and Essex 
Cos., who married Frances Muscoe. (See Quarterly XIII., 
262; XX., 300.) Some authority for the belief in the emigra- 
tion to Virginia of William and John, of Scotland, sons of Wil- 
liam Livingston, beyond identity of names and professions with 
two persons in Virginia, is afforded by the fact that Alexander, 
merchant of Aberdeen, another of the sons, had a son Alexander, 
who was interested in the Virginia trade. The first named died 
in 1733, and by his wife Margaret Simson had Alexander, pro- 
vost of Aberdeen, who resided also in Rotterdam. In the 
records of Essex County, February 1, 1755, is a power of at- 
torney by him "late merchant in Rotterdam and now of Aber- 
deen, North Britain. " He married Anna, daughter of Hugh 
Kennedy, of Rotterdam, and had Alexander, born 1781. In the 
Spotsylvania Co. (Va.) records mention is made not only of 
William and John Livingston, but of George Livingston (1749) 
James Livingston (1772) and James and Thomas Livingston, 
who removed from Spotsylvania to Edgefield Co., South Caro- 
lina (1793). In Essex County Hugh Livingston in 1760 gave 
bond as admr. of Margaret Livingston, whose inventory shows 
that she had property in King and Queen Co. In the same 
records is a power of attorney from Alexander Livingston & 
Company of Aberdeen to Capt. James Elphisiston to sell and dis- 
pose of all lands, houses, goods, debts, whatever within any 
town or county of Virginia, dated June 9, 1755. 

Stanton-Miller. — Andrew Stanton, born in Hull, England, 
in 1760, died in Nichollsville, Kentucky, 1833, married Ann 
Miller, born in Richmond, Virginia, 1770, died in Nichollsville, 
Kentucky, 1833. What was the ancestry of Ann Miller? Mrs. 
W. AT. Pharr, 808 W. Washington Ave., Greenwood, Mississippi. 

Murray-Payne. — Capt. William Murray, married Lucy 
Payne, and had a daughter Mary Virginia Murray, who mar- 
ried John Spotswood Moore. What was the ancestry of Captain 

jo William and Mary Quarterly 

Murray and is there proof of his Revolutionary services? — Mrs. 
Julia Moore Parish, Box i, R. 3, Columbia, Tennessee. 

Darke. — Information desired regarding Gen. William Darke, 
and also a Captain Darke who commanded a company in his 
brother's regiment. — George B. Randolph, Anniston, Alabama. 
William Darke was born in Philadelphia County, Pennsylvania, 
in 1736 and died in Jefferson County, Va., Nov. 26, 1801. He 
resided in Berkeley Co., Virginia, which he represented in the 
State Convention of 1788 and frequently in the General Assembly. 
He served as a soldier at Braddock's defeat in 1755, made cap- 
tain at the beginning of the Revolution, taken prisoner at the 
battle of Germantown, but was colonel commandant of the regi- 
ments from Hampshire and Berkeley counties at the surrender 
of Cornwallis. He commanded the left wing of St. Claire's 
army at its defeat by the Miami Indians November 4, 1791, at 
which time his youngest son, Capt. Joseph Darke was killed. He 
was subsequently Major General of Virginia Militia. In Sparks' 
Letters of Washington, Vol. X., are several references to Col. 
John Darke. 

Providence Forge. — See Quarterly, V., 20-22. Abstract of 
a deed filed in a suit of Chancery Court of Williamsburg and 
formerly recorded in the General Court: William Holt, of the 
borough of Norfolk and Mary his wife mortgage to Sarah Jer- 
done of the County of Louisa, all his, the said William's, moiety 
of land held in company with the late Francis Jerdone dec'd., 
in the counties of Charles City and New Kent, on which are a 
forge, grist mill, and other valuable improvements, together with 
his moiety of ten slaves employed in the forge, two carters, two 
millers, two smiths, one collier, one wood cutter, one waterman, 
eight women, and two boys, and all other negroes not mentioned 
by name held in company with the late Francis Jerdone dec'd, 
to secure to the said Sarah 177 pds, 16 shillings and 3d sterling 
with interest from July 1, 1774, as executrix of the Late Francis 
Jerdone dec'd, and £1390, 18 shillings, 2d, with interest from the 
same date, paid by the said Sarah Jerdone to the said William 
Holt. Dated January 1, 1775. Witnessed by William Douglas, 
James Minitree, Josiah Crew. 

William and Mary Quarterly 71 


The Life of Thaddeus Stevens. By James A. Woodburn, Indianapolis. 
The Bobbs Merrill Company, publishers. 

In this era of good feeling and reconciliation the publication of the 
life of Thaddeus Stevens seems singularly inappropriate. The era of re- 
construction is a historical nightmare, and Stevens' name being identified 
with it awakens no pleasant feelings. The interest of the book centers 
largely in Stevens' antagonism to President Andrew Johnson, in which 
the latter shines in splendid contrast. It is true that Johnson was a man 
of coarse morals as the book points out, but so was Stevens and all the 
other Northern leaders during the war period, with, of course, some 
notable exceptions. For precisely as their appreciation of music, sculp- 
ture and poetry did not prevent the Romans from revelling in the bloody 
scenes of the arena, so the schools and libraries of the North were far 
from teaching civilization or preventing the majority of the Northern 
leaders from prosecuting the war on the principles of the dark ages and 
resorting to the most brutal policy after it was over. 

Unlike Stevens, Johnson had some qualities in his composition that 
command respect. He was not without the element of magnanimity to a 
fallen foe, and cherished a regard for constitutional obligations, even to 
the extent of risking his high office. Stevens' hatred of the South went 
so far that, not content with the wholesale losses of the war comprising 
the entire overthrow of the labor system and the destruction of all money, 
furniture, stock and farming implements, he proposed in addition the 
confiscation of all the lands of the hated rebels in excess of 200 acres. 
Then there was something high in Johnson's refusing to subordinate 
himself, as Lincoln had weakly done, to the members of his cabinet; and 
his removal of Stanton was what might be expected from any man hav- 
ing a just appreciation of his position as President. Nor can any one 
deny to Johnson the elements of personal bravery, for he defied the 
wrath of his party in defence of what he deemed right and showed he 
could stand alone; while Stevens only went along with or led a madden- 
ing crowd. 

While unable to endorse all that Stevens did and said, Prof. Wood- 
burn, the author of this book, is inclined to be sympathetic. He refers 
to the punitive section of the 14th amendment as "the only punishment" 
proposed by a triumphant government on those who for four years of war 
had sought its dismemberment. Was it then no punishment to suffer 
the extreme measures to which the Federal government had resorted in 
suppressing the so-called Rebellion — to have all their country laid waste 
with fire and sword, by Sheridan, Hunter, Butler, Sherman and the rest? 

72 William and Mary Quarterly 

Was it no punishment for a proud, sensitive people to have their slaves 
put over them or to have their honored leader placed in shackles? Was 
it no punishment to be taxed without representation, and to have the 
country held for years under military rule, after resistance had ceased? 
Was it none to have the Southern legislatures for years under the con- 
trol of scallawags and carpet baggers, who piled up debts and rioted in 
every form of corruption? Has the South paid no penalty for the war, 
when it has been forced for fifty years to contribute to the support of 
Northern pensioners, and by this means has paid a war indemnity greater 
than any ever paid by any defeated nation known to history? It had 
been better by far for the South as a people, had the Southern leaders 
all been hanged as Johnson threatened at first, than that the spirit of the 
whole people should have been crucified on a cross of degredation after 
the methods planned by Stevens. 

But it is not true as Prof. Woodburn seems to claim that no one 
was executed after the war. The hanging in time of peace, of Major 
Wirz, the commandant at Andersonville, by order of a military court 
martial, was an act done in the pure spirit of brutality and revenge, and 
sought to be justified by the flimsiest of excuses. The sufferings, which 
the poor Federal prisoners unavoidably incurred, in the different South- 
ern prisons, was due wholly to the policy of Lincoln's government, which 
undertook to starve the South into submission by wholesale destruction. 
To prevent the armies of the South from being recruited, the exchange 
of prisoners was abandoned and despite the entreaties of the Confederate 
government, who was only too anxious to be relieved of them, Federal 
soldiers were permitted to lie for months in Confederate prisons; and 
when it fared hard with them the Federal authorities pretended indigna- 
tion and visited the same and even greater hardships upon Confederates 
confined in Northern prisons — located though these prisons were in a 
land of plenty. General P. H. Sheridan was a man highly esteemed by 
the Federal government, and yet he defined the true strategy of war to 
consist in leaving "nothing to the people, but their eyes to weep with 
over the war." Think of that for a sentiment ! 

One word in, conclusion. Had Johnson's policy with reference to the 
conquered States been carried out in its essential details, the reconciliation 
of the sections would have been much more speedily accomplished. The 
negroes in the South to-day would have had more rights than they have 
as the result of Stevens' policy, a policy which provoked collisions and 
awakened resentments between the races that have never entirely died out. 

7)1 nx>* ... 

Ulliam anb imnvy College 

<&uarterl\> Historical flDagaslne* 

Vol. XXII. OCTOBER, 1913. No. 2. 


For twenty three years after the landing at Jamestown the English 
settlements in Virginia were confined to the shores of James River and to 
the peninsula of Accomac on the east side of Chesapeake Bay. Among the 
rivers that emptied into this great aestuary the James and York cut off a 
section of land, which in a country abounding in peninsulas became 
known as "The Peninsula." The recognition of the need of a settlement 
on the latter river was soon felt, and as early as 161 1 Sir Thomas Dale, 
then governor, in a letter to the Earl of Salisbury, recommended a for- 
tified settlement at Chiskiack, as the region on the south side of the York 
was called. After the Indian Massacre in 1622, when the Chiskiack Indians 
deserted their territory, the idea of "winning the forest" by running a 
pale from Martin's Hundred on James River to Chiskiack on York River 
and planting settlements on both rivers was discussed by Governor Wyatt 
and his council ; and in 1626 Samuel Matthews of Denbigh in Warwick 
County and William Claiborne of Kecoughtan offered to build the pali- 
sades, defended by houses, at short intervals. 

No steps were taken to carry out the project till Sir John Harvey 
arrived as Governor in 1630. Then at a meeting of the council on 
October 8, 1630, as appears from a patent recorded at Yorktown, an order 
was entered offering as an encouragement, "for the securing and taking in 
a tract of land called the forest bounding upon the cheife residence of y e 
Pamunkey King, the most dangerous head of y e Indyan enemy," fifty 
acres to every person who should settle the first year on York River and 
25 acres to every person who the second year should settle there. At 
the same court two tracts of 600 acres apiece were granted to Captain 
John West, brother of Lord Delaware, and Captain John Utie, who were 
made commanders of the settlement. 

About four miles above the modern Yorktown two creeks known as 
King's Creek and Feligate's Creek form a bay opening into York River. 
And on the west of this bay settled Captain West, and on the East settled 
Captain Utie. East of Captain West settled Francis Morgan and near 
him on the East side of Yorktown creek was Captain Richard Townsend. 

74 William and Mary Quarterly 

East of Yorktown Creek, occupying the site of the present Yorktown 
was Capt. Nicholas Martieu, 1 ancestor of George Washington, and at the 
present Temple Farm were settlers sent by Sir John Harvey to his plan- 
tation called "York." Between King's and Fellgate's Creeks, at their 
junction, settled Capt. Robert Fellgate, of London. In 1631, William 
Claiborne with 100 men settled Kent Island (now a part of Maryland) 150 
miles up Chesapeake Bay, and in the Assembly which met at Jamestown, 
February, 1632, Capt. Martieu took his seat as the representative of 
"Kiskyacke and the Isle of Kent." By September, 1632, population on 
the south side of York River was extensive enough to claim two repre- 
sentatives in the Assembly. The region was divided into two plantations — 
one retaining the old name. Chiskiack and the other styled York. Captain 
Martieu represented the first, and Lionel Rowlston the second. The fol- 
lowing year (1633) it was enacted that a fortieth part of the men in the 
compasse of the forest east of Archer's Hope and Queen's Creek to Chesa- 
peake Bay, should be present ''before the first day of March next". at 
Dr. John Fott's plantation, "newlie built," at the head of Archer's Hope 
Creek, to erect houses and secure land in that quarter. Under this en- 
couragement, palisades, six miles in length, were run from creek to creek, 
and on the ridge between, a settlement called Middle Plantation, (after- 
wards Williamsburg), was made. 

By order of the council dated June 6, 1632, Captain John West was 
granted 2000 acres "in right of his son, being the first born christian of 
Chickiack," There is little reason to doubt that this son was Col. John 
West, of West Point, to which place his father removed, in 1650, on 
selling his place (now known as Bellfield), to Governor Edward Digges, 
fourth son of Sir Dudley Digges, Master of Rolls to King Charles I. The 
place remained in the Digges family till 1787 when it was sold to William 
Waller. During most of the time it was in the possession of the Diggesses 
it was known as the E. D. plantation (Edward Digges Plantation), and 
was famous originally as the chief seat of the silk culture in Virginia 
and afterwards for a brand of sweet scented tobacco called the E. D., 
which it is said never failed to bring in England "one shilling in the 
pound when other tobacco would not bring three pence." 2 

The seat of Captain John Utie on the York, known first as "Utimaria," 
was sold by his son John to Capt. William Tayloe, (sometimes spelt 

1 In the old records the letter "t" resembled the letter "1" and the 
letter "u" resembled the letters "n" and "r." Hence Captain Martieu, who 
was a Frenchman, suffered the experience of having his name printed 
Marlier, Martian, Martien and Martin. 

2 East of Bellfield is a farm on the river known as "Indian Field," 
which was very probably the site of Chiskiack Indian villiage previous 
to 1622. 

William and Mary Quarterly 75 

Taylor in the early records) who married Elizabeth, daughter of Richard 
Kingsmill, of Jamestown Island. On Col. Tayloe's death the land went 
to Col. Nathaniel Bacon by his marriage with the widow and by a deed 
from his heir and nephew William Tayloe of Richmond County. Bacon 
absorbed other grants, among them the land of John Cotton, who wrote 
the history of Bacon's Rebellion. Col. Bacon, who was first cousin once 
removed of Nathaniel Bacon, Jr., the Rebel, died in 1691, and his property 
went to his niece Abigail Smith, who married Major Lewis Burwell. 
On Burwell's death, in 1710, it became the property of James Burwell, 
his son. The plantation has been long known as 'TCing's Creek plantation," 
and is celebrated as the place where Sir William Berkeley first put foot 
to land on the western shore, after being driven from Jamestown by 
Nathaniel Bacon, Jr. Here at his arrival William Drummond, Bacon's 
friend, was surrendered to him. 

At Capt. Richard Townsend's land, west of Yorktown Creek, it was 
first intended to establish the College of William and Mary. 

After Martieu's death, his plantation fell to Col. George Reade, Sec- 
retary of State, who married his daughter Elizabeth. In 1691 it was laid 
out as Yorktown, and to this place the county seat was removed soon after. 

York Plantation (consisting at first of 750 acres) now known as 
"Temple Farm" was, as stated, first settled by Governor Sir John Harvey. 
When the Governor, after his administration, became a bankrupt, this 
place, with his property at Jamestown, was sold in 1644 and was pur« 
chased by Col. George Ludlow, a cousin of Major General Edmund 
Ludlow, one of Cromwell's generals. Ludlow patented it and adjoining 
lands in 1646, describing his tract as running up York River 555 poles. 
Ludlow died in 1656, and his land descended to his nephew Lt. Col 
Thomas Ludlow, who died in 1660. For a number of years it remained 
in the occupation of Rev. Peter Temple, who married Mary, the widow 
of the last, but in 1686 it was sold to Major Lawrence Smith, of Gloucester 
Co. It continued in Major Smith's family till 1769, when Robert Smith 
sold it to Augustine Moore, who married his sister Lucy Smith. In the 
Moore house, which is still standing, were signed, in 1781, the articles of . 
surrender by Lord Cornwallis. There is no evidence from the records that 
Alexander Spotswood ever owned the place, as is sometimes stated. 

In the earliest days court was held from time to time at the houses of 
the more prominent planters, but about 1658 York became the usual place, 
where the house of Capt. Robert Baldrey was hired for 1000 pds of to- 
bacco .a year. In 1676 the court was moved to the French Ordinary, lo- 
cated at the "half way house," and continued there until 1691, when York- 
town was laid out at Col. Reade's place. At York also was the old 
church of York parish, the site of which is marked by a tombstone of 
Major William Gooch, who died in 1655. 

j6 William and Mary Quarterly 

On the east side of Wormeley's Creek settled in 1635, Christopher 
Wormeley, formerly governor of the Tortugas Island in the West Indies. 
He died in 1646, and was succeeded by his brother Ralph, and it was at 
this place, in 1649, that Sir Thomas Lunsford, Sir Henry Chicheley, Sir 
Philip Honeywood and Col. Mainwaring Hammond, fugitive cavaliers, were 
entertained after their arrival in Virginia. . 

York County (known first as Charles River .County) had at first an 
indefinite northerly and westerly extension and was created in 1634. In 
165 1 Gloucester County on the north of the York, and in 1654 New Kent 
County, comprising all the country west of Skimeno Creek on the south 
side and Porpotank Creek, on the north side,, were cut off. In 1657 the 
parishes in York County were (beginning on the west) Marston, between 
Queen's Creek and York River; Middle plantation, comprising the settle- 
ment of that name on the north of Queen's Creek; Chiskiack or Hampton, 
between Queen's Creek and Townsend Creek (afterwards Yorktown 
Creek) ; York, between Yorktown Creek and Back Creek; New Poquoson > 
afterwards Charles River Parish, between Back Creek and Poquoson 
River. In 1658 Harrop Parish in James City County and Middle Plan- 
tation were united and made Middletown Parish; and, in 1674, Marston 
and Middletown became Bruton Parish. In 1706 York and Hampton 
parishes were united to make York-Hampton parish. 

The first entry in the records is a caption of a court without 
proceedings held at Utimaria (the residence of Capt. John Utie) 
the 1 2th day of July, 1633. The justices present were Capt. 
John Utie, Air. \Y m English, Capt. Nicholas Martian, Mr. Lyonell 
Rowlston, Capt. Robert ffelgate, Mr. Richard Townsend. 

Courts were held at Utimaria y e 12 th , of August, 1633, Sep- 
tember y e 20 th , 1633, an( l October y e 25 th , 1633, then at York 
y 6 7 th day of January, 1633, then at Utimaria the 8 th day of 
April, 1634, and y e 5 th day of May, 1634, then at York 7 th of 
July, 1634, and then again at Utimaria August y e 12 th , 1634. 
No entries were made under the captions. York was not the 
present Yorktown, but a settlement made by Sir John Harvey in 
1630 on the west side of Wormeley's Creek. November y e 3 d 
1634. A co rt was houlden at Utimaria. Present: Capt. John 
West, Capt. Rob 1 ffelgate, Capt. John Utie, Mr. John Chew, Capt. 
Nicholas Martian. 

At a Court held att M r William Pryor's y e 22 th of June. 
1637. Present &c. Adam Lynsey's will, (his mark). Legatees: 

William and Mary Quarterly 77 

Ann, the wife of John Jackson, Christian Owen of the Poquosin, 
and Edward Mollson. Date July 30, 1636. Witnesses: Wm. 
Hockaday, Alexander Gregory. An inventory of all the goods 
found belonging unto Ralph Gerard, deceased, in the home of 
Anthony Panton, Clerck, dwelling at Cheeskake, taken by those 
whose names are under written July y e 24 th 1637. (Names 
underwritten: Serjeant John Wayne x his mark, Thomas 

A court houlden att the Governo" house (Capt. John West 
was governor) the 18 th of March, 1637. Present &c : It is 
ordered by this Co rt tthat the Leases belonging to y e Gov- 
erno rs Tenants be recorded. (York plantation was divided into 
tracts, which were leased.) 

A Court held att M r William Pryors the 20 th July Anno 
Domini, 1638. Present, Cap 1 Williams Brocas, Esq., Cap 1 
Nicholas Martian, Cap 1 John Chisman, M r John Chow, Cap 1 
Richard Townshend, M r William Pry or. John Utie, "of Uti- 
maria, Esq./' acknowledges to have sold unto Edward Mollson, 
Sawyer, one hundred acres of land lying between the lands of 
ffrancis Morgan and M r William Pryor. Witnesses. Edw, 
Major, James Besouth. Dated 20 Nov., 1635. For 1000 feet 
of sawn boards received and 800 more to be paid. Assigned to 
Francis Morgan. 

Joseph Ham's will, x his mark, attested by Mar: Johnson, 
Clerk, son and dau John and Catherine Peade, to have 30 young 
kids in satisfaction of a legacy from their father, John Pead ; 
Mary, my wife, to have 20 goats. Witness Robert Brockwell, 
minister, Pere Bland. 

25 th day of April, 1639, Rob 1 Bouth is clerk. Att a co rt holden 
att James Citty the 5 th day of March, 1640 (1641). Present: 
Sir Francis Wyatt, Kn 1 Governo r , Cap 1 John West M r George 
Minifey, Cap 1 W m Peirce, Cap 1 W m Brocas, M r Roger Wingate, 
M r Ambrose Harmer. 

John Jackson's will — wife Ann Jackson, son Henry Jack- 
son. Signed John Jackson, X his mark. Dated 22 Oct., 1640. 

yS William and Mary Quarterly 

Miscellaneous Deeds and Wills. 

Martin Becker, Merch 1 on 2 d May, 1635, rents to Thomas 
Trotter, Thomas JefYeryes and John Balyes of York in the coun- 
try of Virginia plant rs : '"'One parcel! of land in York planta- 
tion'' for 11 years, "from the River side unto a marked poplar;" 
rent "50 pds of good Merchantable tobacco." Witnesses: 
Charles Bibb & Rich* Hamlin. 

Same to John Penrise for 100 acres in York plantation. 23 
Oct., 1636. Witn: John Hampton, W m Hockaday. 

Lyonell Rowlston (of Virginia gent.) leases to Edw. John- 
son, for life of John (?) Johnson his wife, & Luke Johnson his 
son, dated 15 Nov. 1632. Witn: John Penrise. 

Martin Becker, of Plimouth, England, Merch 1 , leases for life 
of W m Warren & Ann, his now wife, land on York river ad- 
joining Edw'd Johnson, John Jackson & said Becker's land. 
Dated 13 Mch., 1633. Wit: Robert Cume, ftrancis Arkistall. 

Richard Major sells to Thomas Bourne, cooper, 25 acres on 
west side of West's Creek, bordering upon lands of Wm. Barber. 
I s Oct: 1638. Witn: Robert Booth, Rowl. Burnham. Thomas 
Bourne, cooper, X his mark, assigns this land over to W m Barber 
of Chiscak, cooper, 1 Oct., 1638. 

W m Reynolds, X, of Cheiskake, planter. 

John Utie & Robert Booth sell 100 acres at head of Queen's 
creek to Thomas Gybson, 13 Nov., 1639. Witn: Thomas Watts, 
Edmund Plunkett. 

John Utie & Mary Utie his wife sell to Thomas Gybson 20 
March, 1639. Witn: John Baldwin, Hugh Owin, Anthony Park- 
hurst, Thomas Lucas. 

John Condon's patent for 50 acres. 

Robert Booth, clerk of the court, attests a Bill of sale of 
W m Reynolds, Octob r y 2 5 th 1640. 

Att a quarter court houlden at James Citty the 18th of 
Sept., 1640. Present: Sir Francis Wyatt, Governo r , Cap 4 John 
West, Cap 1 W m Brocas, M r Roger Wingatte, M r Ambrose 

I William Taylor, of Utimaria, in Charles River Co., sell to 
W m Blackay for John Utie, gent., 100 acres on Queen's creek, 

William and Mary Quarterly 79 

butting upon Bell's creek west, beginning att Bell's bridge, at a 
marked tree, and so running 3 quarters of a Mile South East & 
from thence 68 poles, N. W., untill itt meets with Queen's House 
ffence, and then par 11 with the fence till itt meets with Bell's 
creek, as aforesaid. Date 25 Dec 1 ", 164a. 

John Congden X (his mark) sells to Edward Percivall 25 
acres on'Back creek "with two boarded houses belonging to the 
said 25 acres, the one house of 30 foot, and the other of twenty 
foote long, w th certain clear ground belonging to said land. 
Dated 20 May, 1639. Witn : Humphrey Harmer, Peter Rigsby, 
X (his mark). 

John Bell sells his land to Samuel Watkeys. 

At a Quarter Court houlden att James City the thirteenth of 
December, 1641. Present Sir Francis Wyatt Kn 1 , governor, 
Cap 1 John West, Cap 1 Thomas Willoughby, M r George Menifle, 
M r Ambrose Harmer. Deed of John Utie, of Utimaria, by me 
Robert Bouth, to Capt Stephen Gill, chirurgeon, 100 acres on 
English's plantation adjoining lands of James Besouth, Henry 
Willis on 26 Jan., 1638. Assigned by Gill to Capt. Wm. Leigh 
1640, assigned by Leigh to John Hall. The transfer recites 
that 1 the 100 acres lay in Cheeskiake in Divydent of William 
Taylor and that John LTie was soon & Heire of Capt. John Utie, 
the originall proprietor of the s d Land. 

Records from 1645 to 1648. 

Whereas Thomas Waldoe was by the churchwardens of the 
New Poquoson presented for an abuse of the church and 
minister and for not receiving the sacrament, the Court doth 
therefore order him the said Waldoe to bring certificate under 
the hand of M r Charles Grundy minister of the said p'ish of his 
reformation of the said abuses to y e next court, otherwise to be 
censured by the Court for the same. December 20, 1645. 

Whereas Geo. fTorde father-in-law and Guardian to John 
Saker, sonn of John Saker deed, hath this court presented ac- 
compt of his charges Laved out for the scoleing cloathing diett 
& other necessaryes. Charges for the education and keeping of 
y e s d John Sacker his estate wch ace* amounted to y e sume of two 

80 William and Mary Quarterly 

thousand nine hundred & twenty pounds of tobacco as alsoe 
hath psented to y e Court an acco* of y e s d Sakers Cattle & in- 
crease. This Court doth therefore order that for y e abovs* 
Charges and for all future Charges that the said George fiord 
shall have & possess all the male cattle that he now or hereafter 
shall be fallen out of y e s d John Sackers stocke wch shall be in 
full satisfaction of the abovsd charges p r sent and future. 

Certificate granted to Thomas Chapman for 1200 acres for 
importing Tho. Hinde, Richard North, Wm. James, James Harle- 
son, Isaac Sanderson, Thomas Adkins, Robert Smith, John 
Pratt, Phillip More, Mary Green, John Wallis, Wm. Long, Wm. 
Payne, Henry Page, Thomas Reynolds, James Lewis, Thomas 
Andrews, Eliz. Smith, Richard Dogden, Ralph Boger, Thomas 
Roahds, Richard King,, ffrancis Hide and John Bridges. 

We whose names are subscribed being sworne appraisers of 
the Estate of Richard Winne deceased have according to our 
best judgments valued it as follows : 

Imp r mis. A fixt musket & shot bag 200 

One owld suite of clothes a babers case 
4 verry owld Bookes, 2 owld fishing lines & a hooke 60 

Jurat in cur vicessimo die Dec. 1645. Teste me Rob 1 Bouth. 

The Estate of John Saker sonne of John Saker deceased, dr 

Imp r mis, to scholeing one yeare 200 

To 3 yds of stuffe at 60 Sp y d & making the suite 190 

To 2 ells of cannes for drawers & making 070 

To 2 pre of shoes 090 

To 2 shirts 040 

To a munmouth capp 050 

To a marking Iron to marke his cattle 050 

To 3 yds of cotton & making his suite 900 

To 1 p're of shooes 030 

To sixe barrells of corne for 2 years pvision 660 

To his scholeing one yeare more 150 

To 3 yeares keeping his cattle being 12 heads the first yeare 1200 

Sume 2920 

William and Mary Quarterly 8i 

A list of John Sakers cattle 

Imp r mis Seaven cowes 

Item fower heifers on yeare old & upwards 

Item twoe cow calves fallen this yeare & one dead 

Item one steers fower yeare old 

Item twoe bulls three yeares old 

Item twoe yeares old & upwards 

One of y e same age kild by y e fall of a tree 
Item one stere calfe of on yeare old & upwards 
Item fower steers Calves fallen yis years in all alive 23 hd 

of Cattle. 

Edward Mihills gift of twoe cowes to Robert Sheild 19th 
ffebruary, 1645. 

Att A meeting by the Comittee of the forrest this 3 d day of 
January, 1645. 
p r sent Cap* Samuel Mathews 

Cap 4 Wm Brocas 

George Ludlowe 

Cap 1 Richard Townshend 

Cap 1 Thomas Barnett 

Cap* Christopher Calthropp 

M r Rowland Burnham 

M r Arthur Price 

M r Peeter Riddley 

An order that ''George Ludlowe Esq pay fifty pownes of 
powder' for the use of the county of Yorke uppon all demands 
unto such as shall be authorized to receive the same. And that 
the Levey form r ly Layd by the Lefts of the County to stand of 

A similar order against Cap* Richard 'Townsend. 

This day Phillipp Thacker was sworne to pforme the office 
of an under sheriffe under Cap 1 Wm Tyalor high sherr of yis 
county in the p r sents of Cap 1 Rich: Townshend Esq at the 
request of Cap 1 Wm Taylor. 

82 William and Mary Quarterly 

Teste me Ro: Bouth Cler. 
January the 27 th 1645, p r sent &c. 

An order in favor of Thomas Bushrod against Cap 1 Thomas 
Cornwallis' estate to satisfy a debt of "3030 b of tob." 

Similar order in favor of Anthony West against Geo. Wes- 

Jan. 29, 1645 Whereas it appeareth to y e co r t that George 
Codd hath served his time with William Smoote being his last 
Maister and yat yere is due to him corne and cloathes for the 
same which is deteyned from him by y e < s d Smote. The Court 
doth yerefore order that the s d Wm Smote shall within ten clays 
pay & deliver unto y e s d George Codd three bbls of corne and 
cloathes in consideration of his services as afTorsd and alsoe to 
pay Co rt charges ells exec. 
January the 30 th p r sent &c. 

An order that flrancis Smith shall^pay Thomas Bushrode the 
atty of Mathew Bassett and Henry Hawley the sume of three 
hundred and eighty five "pownes to tob'' with Court charges. 

flebruary the second Humphrey Hanmore having given to 
John Griggs house & grownd during his life in the old feilds as 
alsoe ,twoe sowes, the Court orders the supervisors of his estate 
to make payment thereof, Griggs first executing bond &c. 

Similar orders directing the payment of other legacies to 
Arthur Seawell's wife 25 shillings for a ring; Mrs. Margaret 
Chisman "one silke carpet/' Cap 1 John Madison f 'one sowe," and 
the churchwardens of New Powquoson parish. 

flebruary the second : Thomas Deacon who formerly under- 
took to build a prison for the county is ordered to perform the 
same "at his won cost & charges in respect he hath received full 
satisfaction for the same according to his agreement" and "for 
his default herein" the sherr "to hold him in custody until the 
prison should be finished." 

Inventory of Ralph Watson Clerke taken the 22 th day of 
January, 1645. Among other things : Cows, heifers, calves, "a 
silke gowne," hogs and pigs, sheets, pillows, dishes, earthen 
potts, one blacke serge suit, "Bookes that these p r sers will not 

William and Mary Quarterly 83 

prayse but M r Grimes according as it was ordered" "Thirty 
great bookes in folio most of them (a word moth eaten) and old 
authors, about fifty bookes in quarto most of them being lattin 
bookes." &c &e. 

His executor, Nicholas Dale, presented accounts against the 
estate footing up altogether 6827 lbs Tob. Among the items : 
A grave in the church 050 

funerall dinner 300 

sheet for a shroud 080 

divers dietts for sixe hired servants belonging to the estate &c 

Inventory of George Hopkins Minister dec. taken the last 
day of October, 1645. 

Imp^mis 3 old sowes in the woods & not to be found. 

16 yonge shotes about a yeare old 

7 yonge shotes now about 4 mounthes old 

One man servant haveing a year to serve 

sixe bbls of corne, & cloathes 

one Mayd servant two years to serve 

one smale fram table & twooe smale cheeres 

one couch 

one cradle 

one forme frame 

one small table more 

one pistole at 

one bedstead 

one Iron Pott about 3 gall 3 & pott hookes 

one white Quilt for a bed 

one greene carpett 

15 Holland napkins & one table 

one stufTe Cloake 

two old diap table Clothes & twooe towells 

twooe p're of old sheetes 

twooe p're ot old pillow beeres 

an old chamber pott and brasse Candle sticke 

one old dining castor 

one old trunke 

84 William and Mary Quarterly 

one small skellett 

his Library of old books in a little smale 

made of the servant's cropp of tobacco 

made of the servant's cropp of corn 

one smale cleane pay booke 

one smale sea bedd & Rugg 

one smale brasse morter & pestle 

one beaver broch & one other old broch 

Item one feather (bed) with the appurtenants belonging 

one smale gould Ringe 

Jurat Coram John West 

Among debts paid by his administrator Elizabeth Hopkins his 
wife are "Tobacco due Cap 1 John West, Esq. for diett 3 yeares, 
one yeare for M* Hopkins & one yeare for himself e wife and two 

A court holden for the County of Yorke the 24 th of March, 


p'resent Cap fc Nicholas Martian M r Francis Morgan 
Cap* Ralph Wormeley M r Row : Burnham. 
Whereas Witt. Keaton stand bound by Indenture to serve 
Wm. Hockaday, the assignes of Henry Brooke, the term of five 
years from february, 1641. And the s d Keaton absenting himself 
from his said M r uppon pretence of being free from the s d Hocka- 
day as alsoe be y e s d Keaton did run away from his s d (M r in) 
June last to, his great hindrance and damage. The Court doth, 
therefore, order that the said Wm. Keaton shall serve y e s d 
William Hockaday till the 28th day of February next according 
to indenture, and for his running away and peremtory Answear- 
ing the co rt in refusing y e p'formance of yere order herein, the 
sherr shall forthwith cause y e s d Keaton to be whippt at the whip- 
ping post & to rec. yerty lashes on his bare shoulders. 

24th March, 1645. ^ n the difference "long depending betwixt 
Martin Westerling plaintiffe & Cap 1 Ralph Wormeley & M 1 " 9 
Alary Wormeley execu rs of the estate of Cap 1 Christopher 
Wormeley dec." for a man servant, an order that Cap 6 William 
Brocas, Esq., who hath intermarryed with y e s d M rs Alary 

William and Mary Quarterly 85 

Wormeley & Cap 1 Ralph Wormeley make there appearance at 
the next co rt — . the s d Ralph and Mary Wormeley haveing failed 
in there appearance especially at yis p r sent court. 

25th March, 1645. Christopher Abbott is yis day chosen 
Constable for the South-side of Hampton pish & to be sworne 
by M r Hugh Gwin. 

March 26 th 1646. Cap* Wm. Brocas, Esq. by Note under his 
hand doo confesse a judgment to S r Edmund Plowden Knight 

for twelve pounds of tobacco in Rowle to be pd with Court 

Charges and forbearance by the last of November next ells exec 
as alsoe on thousand powndes of tob. more for the service of one 
man servant from the Eight of July, 1644 till y e twentyeth of 
december next following & to be found him Cloathing as by his 
bill of the 8 th of June, 1644 appeareth being soe much ym . . . 
y 9 s d s r Edmund Plowden for a servant . . . tyme to Nich- 
olas Browne as appearey by . . . of the s d Browne wch s d 
iooo b tob is tob . . . last of November next with for- 
bearance . . . charged ells exec. 

Cap* Ralph Wormeley ordered to pay Tho: Shaw three 
barrells of Corne fetched over by the said Captain Wormeley 
immediately after the massacre from the bowse of Tho: Shaw 
on the north side of Yorke river. 

March the 27 th 1646 
p r sent Cap* John West Esq M r Rowl d Burnham 

Cap* Nicholas Martian M r Rob* Vaus 

M r Hugh Gwin 

Whereas John Adison peticon yis co r t he being a soulder at 
fort Royall that he might he clear from the paym* of the County 
Leveyes in regard the sherr hath taken him . . . and requires 
payment of him. The Court doth therefore order that the s d 
Addison shall be free from the payment of y e s d Leveyes in re- 
gard he was a soulder as afforesd. 

Know all men by these p r sents that I Mary Minifie widd and 
executrix of George Menefie late of Buckland Esq. dec. have 
menchoned, named & appoynted and ordeyred my trustye, & 
loveinge ffreind Rowland Burnham my true & Lawfull Attorney 

86 William and Mary Quarterly 

for and in my name to aske levy, sue, recover and receive all 
debts due unto me by bills or booke or otherwise in Yorke 
County Giveing & by these p r sents granting unto my s d Attorney 
as full power & authority to sue psecute & accquit all such psons 
or any of them as in the afToresd county are indebted or ingaged 
with me as if I myselfe were psonally p r sent In witness whereof 
I have hereunto sett my hand and seale the i6y day of ffeb 1645. 
Sealed & Witnessed in the p r sence Mary Menefie 

of John Bishop the seal 

Humphrey Lister. 1 

To all to whom these p r sents shall come or may concerne, 
Greetinge &c. These are toe certifie & make knowne that George 
Menefie of Buckland Esq., deceased, did by his last will & testa- 
ment make, ordayne and appoint his wife M ra Mary Menefie his 
executrix. And that at a Court holden at Westover in the County 
of Charles Citty the 20 th day february 1645 a pbate of the s d will 
was granted unto the s d Mrs. Mary Menefie Authorizing her to 
dispose of the deceased's estate according to the true intent and 
meaneing of the s d will wch was yen & yere proved & recorded 
ffeb 13th An 1645 Tho. Stegge 

' John Bishoppe 

Thomas Drewe 

Hoc testatur Ho eil Price Curiae p r dict Cler qui testament 
p r dict et fecit extraxit, probavit et Record. 

March the 25 th 1646 S r These may certifie yo u that the sherr 
hath made returne of an accon entered against yo u at the suite of 
S r Edmund Plowden Knt. to wch he affirmes yo u to ap- 
peare & answer on the 24 th day of y r p r sent March being 
yo r day of appearance and in regard yo u have fayled yerein, Att 
the request of the s d S r Edmund Plowden whoe desires yis Court 
to request yo r appearance at this Co rt tomorrow being the 26y 
of yis p r sent to answeare the s d Acco against yo u oyerwise the 
Court intends to pceed to order. 

Ordered by the Court to be subscribed by Ro : Bouth, Cler. 

William and Mary Quarterly 87 

I desire that an order may be entered for the payment of the 
tobacco due to S r Edmund Plowden by the last of November nect 
with iorbearance. 

Wm. Brocas. 

Nicholas Browne of the backe river aged forty yeares or there- 
abouts makes oath that S r Edmund Plowden Knyght complayn- 
ing Cap 1 Wm. Brocas had promised to delv r him a servant to 
waite on him & that under two hundred pounds of tobacco a 
mount h he could not hire any fitted & cloathed. This depo* for a 
thousand pounds of tobacco & caske about the Eighth day of 
July last past sold to y e s d S r Edmund Plowden Thomas Waggett 
his tyme to serve him being for five mounyes & more. Nic 
Browne Jurat 1 " in Cur. Teste me Tho: Ely. 

Humphrey Sayle doth sell and make over unto Humphrey 
Waldon twenty five Acres of land wch was for my psonall ad- 
venture unto Cheeskiacke. I say unto Humphrey Waldon & 
his heires forever & they quietly to enioie, for witness hereof I 
have hereunto sett my hand yis 4y of december 1635. This land 
Lay on the est side of Wests Creeke neare the Head yereof. 
Witness to yis Oliver Downes, Anthony Watts. 

Richard Bennett of Yorke in the county of Charles River 
planter bond to Thomas Harwood of the county afloresd for 900 
pounds Tobacco. 

March the 25 th 1646. Deed^of Joseph Croshaw of Queene's 
Creeke planter & Edw Adcocke, of Martins, planter, for 210 
Acres of land scituate and being on Queene's Creeke beginning 
and Butting upon the land of Wm. Ireland &c. (dated this 16th 
day of November, 1645). 

I John Hartwell doe by these presents accknowledge that I 
am hartyly sorry for the scandall and Aspersion by me layd upon 
Wm. Todd and his wife and Edward Adcocke and his wife. 
And I doe hereby accknowledge my fault as witness my hand 
yis last day of July 1645. 

The mark of John Hartwell. 

Witness John Underwood, Lewis Burwell, Joseph Croshaw, 
Wm. Gauntlett. 

88 William and Mary Quarterly 

A Court holden at Yorke the tenth day of Aprill 1646 By the 
Leifts & deputy Leifts. 
Cap 4 John West 
Cap 1 \Vm. Brocas 
Geo. Ludlowe 
Cap 1 Richard Townsend 
M r John Chew 
Cap 1 John Chisman 
Cap 1 Wm. Taylor 
Esq 8 

Whereas by virtue of an Act of Assembly dated at James 
Citty the second day of March last 1645 authorizing the Leifts 
and deputy Leifts of the county of Yorke to procure sixteene 
able men to march against the Indians under the command of 
Leift ffrancis Poythress and to be ready with there armes at 
the place of Randevous on the twentyeth of this p r sent Aprill 
for to attend the s d servis as afTore sd wen according to y e 
s d Act is duly performed. And for as much as the s d Souldieii. 
that are prest are to have there labours made good to yem in 
there cropp or other there necessary imployments dureing the 
tyme of yere being absent in the s d servis by those that stay at 
home, It is therefore ordered by the s d Liefts and deputy Liefts 
that the s d worke be duly and exactly payd by and from such 
^=>sons as are appoynted thereto to the s d souldiers or for there 
uses to whome they shall assyne or appoynt y e lament thereof 
uppn all demands, warneing thereof being first given yem by the 
sev r a!l Constables of the county to pay y e same according to a 
list all ready delivered to y e s d Constables of the county for there 
directions yerein, whereby the s d workmen be justly & duly p d 
according to & for the use of benefit of the s d souldiers. And it< 
is further ordered that all such psons as are ingaged for the 
Ipment of the s d work who shall refuse or neglect the reall and 
good payment yereof according to warneing yereof given by the 
s d Constables, shall for such yere neglect py to y e s d souldier or 
souldiers to whom they should have p d the same one hundred 
pounds of tobacco for every day soe neglected in consideration 
of y e s d worke, And that the s d sev r ell Constables give sufficient 

William and Mary Quarterly 89 

tymely notice to all psons for there ^formance of the s d worke, 
when & where it is to be by yem pd according to yere sev r all 
limitts & listes directing yem thereto, whereby noe excuses may 
be alledged by any ^9son or <p>sons for there non ^formance 
yereof according to y s order. 

(To Be Continued.) 


Communicated by N. W. Stephenson, of the College of 
Charleston, S. C. 

The closer one observes the fragmentary records of the Vir- 
ginia Company, the more one is convinced that in its affairs there 
were wheels within wheels both commercial and political. Among 
these was one hitherto ignored which may yet prove the main 
spring of much of the Company's politics subsequent to 1617. 
This was a syndicate of capitalists that controlled during several 
years the Company's monopoly of Virginia trade. The considera- 
tion .aroused by them in the past has been scant indeed. Pro- 
fessor Osgood who refers to them by the extensive title of So- 
ciety of Particular Adventurers for Traffic with the People of 
Virginia in Joint Stock 1 dismisses them with a page and a half. 
Miss Kingsburg, in that introduction to the Virginia Records - 
which crowns adequately her splendid toil, gives them but a few 

1 The American Colonies in the Seventeenth Century, I, 88. In the 
Court Book of the Company they are spoken of as particular adventurers 
of the magazine. Kingsbury, Records of the Virginia Company, I, 233. 
Professor Osgood mentions their officers, "a director and five coun- 
cilors," and adds that their "accounts were passed upon by the Audi- 
tors of the company." But unless I have misunderstood the entry in 
the court book, June 9, 1619, there had been' no auditing previous to 
that time, and the auditing which then took place was forced upon the 
syndicate by its enemies. 

2 Records of the Virginia Company, I, 94 (Introduction): 'The 
Courtbook is the only source of information with regard to the old 
Magazine . . . ." 

90 William and Mary Quarterly 

lines, and is of the opinion that all we know of them lies em- 
bedded in the Company's court book. Alexander Brown, ordi- 
narily so observant, appears to have missed their significance al- 
together, mentioning in his First Republic neither their organ- 
ization nor their dissolution. Nevertheless, I venture to think 
that there is considerable evidence, some direct, some indirect, 
much circumstantial, for considering these Particular Adven- 
turers as of prime importance in the history of the Company. 

I beg leave to speak of them by a modern term. Let us call 
them the Smythe syndicate. 3 The appropriateness of the term 
will become apparent as we proceed. That they belonged to the 
party of Sir Thomas Smythe, that they were assailed and at 
length put out of business by his avowed enemies, that their 
downfall was directly connected with the triumph of the party 
of Sir Edwin Sandys, is all established by the court book. The 
questions which the records do not answer are — why was the 
Smythe syndicate formed? what, if any, were the effects of its 
dissolution? To reply to these questions we must consider the 
Virginia Company not in isolation but as part of the general 
tangle of the business interests of its day. 

To begin with, the fundamentally business character of the 
first stage of Virginia history need not be emphasized. No one, 
to-day, will question the statement that Sir Thomas Smythe, div- 
ing nearly ten years of the Virginia Company, was its directing 
spirit. And if ever there was an out-and-out plutocrat, in our 
modern sense, it was Sir Thomas. With a finger in nearly every 
bold venture of his time, he literally ranged the world in search 
of dividends. The image of him who goes up and down seeking 
whom he may devour inevitably comes to mind. We are not sur- 
prised that Virginia under Sir Thomas' rule resembled a penal 
settlement rather than a colony, justifying the modern account 
of the earliest Virginia as a "plantation system . . . with 

3 See the court book, June 24, 1619. "A controversy arising amongst 
the Adventurers of the Magazine for their place of meeting, it being 
made known that Mr. Alderman Johnson who is the Director thereof, 
desired it might be at Sir Thomas Smith's, by reason he was one of 
the greatest and principal Adventurers . . . ." 

William and Mary Quarterly 91 

great rigor, the colonists working in gangs under officials as 
overseers, eating at common tables, and living in common bar- 
racks." 4 It was only natural that the Company maintained an 
absolute monopoly both of land and trade as long as Sir Thomas 
ruled it. 

The history of the Virginia Company includes several ques- 
tions of political alignment — or, if you will, factional alignment — 
which historians in the main have accepted as mere fact, scarce 
important enough to detain them, and which still await their com- 
plete explanation. The first of these is the virtual surrender 
by Smythe and his faction of the colonizing and governing func- 
tions of the Company. Sir Edwin Sandys, the very antithesis 
of Smythe, was made "assistant" to the Treasurer, and appar- 
ently given a free hand in the matter of colonizing and govern- 
ing. Writing of the re-election of Smythe as Treasurer, in May, 
1617, Alexander Brown says, "Sir Edwin Sandys was probably 
chosen his assistant at this time." 5 As every student knows, the 
character of the legislation for Virginia at once changed. The 
penal settlement disappeared; the land monopoly was broken up; 
the views of the English Liberals found their practical expres- 
sion in the organization of the House of Burgesses. But is it not 
strange that such relentless monopolists as Smythe and his lieu- 
tenant, Mr. Alderman Johnson, should have consented to this 
transformation of their Company's policy? Knowing what they 
stood for in the general business of their day, must we not con- 
clude that, somehow, they saw in this change a business oppoi- 
tunity for themselves ? Assuredly. And when we reflect upon 
the situation, as it was in 161 7, the explanation is not so far 
to seek after all. For now ten years they had sunk money 
lavishly in Virginia without return. Smythe, who was also the 
chief man in the East India Company, was coining money in his 
Oriental investments, and losing it in his American one. Evi- 
dently he concluded, some time about the end of 16 16, or the 
opening of 1617, that things had gone far enough. He would 

4 Osgood. The American Colonies, I, 63. 

5 First Republic in America, 251. 

92 William and Mary Quarterly 

risk no more in Virginia. If others could be found to take up 
the burden of Virginia, well and good — even if they were poli- 
tical dreamers with whose ideality he had nothing in common. 
Perhaps, at that moment, when Smythe's experiment had ended 
in failure, only dreamers like Sandys and his friends would at- 
tempt to resuscitate the Virginia venture. 6 

Be that as it may, the transfer of the Company's legislative 
function took place. But would it be natural for Smythe, the 
arch monopolist, to make a clean sweep of the whole affair, and 
turn over, unless actually forced to do so, the control of the 
business of Virginia along with the control of its government? 
Now we come to the Particular Adventurers and their over- 
looked significance. Before surrendering Virginia's (govern- 
ment, Smythe had effected an organization, separate from the 
general Company, which was to take over the Company's "Maga- 
zine" — sales department, the modern might say — with a director 
of its own, separate accounts, and even it would seem, its own 
secret method of business. 7 The Director chosen was Smythe's 
henchman, Mr. Alderman Johnson. 8 By this new organization 
■ — the promoters of which we may call the Smythe syndicate — 
the monopoly of Virginia trade was to be administered, even 
while Sandys was administering the government of the Colony. 
Smythe being still nominal head of the whole Company, his 
syndicate doubtless felt secure against any desire the Liberals 

6 It should not be forgotten that Sandys and other political ideal- 
ists were from 1614 to 1621 at a standstill, so far as English politics 
went, through the lack of party machinery that would operate when 
Parliament was not in session. Hence, very likely, the increase of their 
activity with regard to colonization in that period. The House of Bur- 
gesses and the accompanying measures, formed a political manifesto in 
terms of action. 

7 Kingsbury, Records of the Virginia Company, I, 227. 

In this connection it is but fair to point out' that one of the ablest of 
scholars takes a different view. Professor Osgood attributes the forma- 
tion of the Society of Particular Adventurers to no deeper cause than 
"the exhaustion of funds (of the general Company) ... in 1616." 
Colonies, I, 88. 

8 Kingsbury, Records of the Virginia Company, I, 227. 

William and Mary Quarterly 93 

might have to dispossess them. During the next two years we 
may imagine Smythe and his syndicate, quietly attending to busi- 
ness in that obscure background not yet adequately explored and 
cynically disdainful of Sandys' experiment in political idealism. 

These two years ended in one of those startling realignments 
of faction that give to the politics of the Company their kaleido- 
scopic character. The conspicuous history of these years, the noble 
constitutional achievements of Sandys, have had abundant atten- 
tion. 9 But they do not lead up to any explanation of the revolu- 
tion within the Company in 1619. To make any progress toward 
an explanation, we must turn aside from Sandys, the statesman, 
and observe the career of his rival, the great plutocrat, Sir 
Thomas Smythe. 

His activities were numerous. Besides his interest in the 
Virginia Company, he was a power in the Somers Islands Com- 
pany, in the Muscovy Company, and was Governor of the East 
India Company. It is through the latter Company, curiously 
enough, that we get a real clue to the source of the turmoil that 
developed in the Virginia Company in 1619. 10 

9 Most ably re-examined by Professor Osgood in the first volume of 
the American Colonies in the Seventeenth Century. Alexander Brown's 
First Republic in America is, of course, a great monument to an enthu- 
siastic patience. Since the publication of the Records by Miss Kings- 
bury, however, Brown appears to need thorough editing. His details 
are sometimes puzzling. For example, he reports a meeting of the Com- 
pany on June 27. But the court book contains no record either under 
that date or ten days earlier. Brown's report of a meeting, July 8 
should, according to his practice of altering dates, refer to that of June 
28, but has little similarity to the original record. Throughout June and 
July, 1619, he passed over, apparently without suspecting their signifi- 
cance, a number of references to the Magazine. 

10 Formerly it was attributed to mere squabbling. Brown, perceiv- 
ing more clearly the political affiliations of the participants, doubtless 
went too far in making it an integral part of English politics. A more 
temperate view finds recent expression in Miss Kingsbury's words: "The 
movement begins in the years first preceding the accession of Sir Edwin 
Sandys to the position of treasurer, and seems to have had its origin in 
the trouble over Sir Samuel Argall and the appointment of Sir George 
Yeardley as governor of the colony." Introduction to the Records of the 
Virginia Company, 100. Still a different view is the inspiration of the 
present paper. 

94 William and Mary Quarterly 

The profits of the East India Company were already enor- 
mous. A single detail establishes their greatness. We have a 
record of a discussion in one of the Company's courts as to what 
gifts should be made at Christmas to "some lords and other 
officers of whose countenance and favor the Company stand in 
need; iooo£ the most that hath fomerly been given, although the 
general opinion for 4,ooo£ or 5,ooo£ . . . X1 allowing for 
the difference in the value of money then and now, nothing more 
need be said on the wealth or the principles of a Company that 
went in for corruption on such a scale. We are not surprised to 
find that already it was doing banking in a great way, making 
loans to King James, 12 to the English Exchequer, 13 to the Em- 
peror of Russia. 14 

For any one to cross the plains of such a vested interest in its 
own East India field was to court a struggle in which mercy 
should not be known. Such audacity was displayed by a daring 
young Englishman, who perhaps was the last survival of the 
semi-piratical temper of the high days of Elizabeth and her rovers. 
During 1617 occurred an incident which was reported to the 
Company, in substance, thus : "these seas begin to be full of 
rovers ; Sir Robert Rich and one Philip Barnadoe set out two 
ships to take pirates ; they missed their entry to the Red Sea, 
and gave chase to the Queen Mother's junk, and had not the 
English fleet arrived would have taken and rifled her." 15 This 
report received at London, January, 1618, also made it plain that 
the incident had caused strained relations at the court of the Great 
Moghul where that masterly diplomat, Sir Thomas Roe, was play- 
ing the Company's hand with consumate skill. A later report 
from India 16 contained information calendared as follows: . . . 
"had the junk been taken all the Company's goods in India could 
not have made satisfaction according to their desire and that is 

11 Calendar of State Papers, East Indies, 1617-1621, No. 781. 

12 Ibid., Nos. 514, 797. 
^Ibid., No. 235. 

14 Ibid., No. 319, 322, 465. 
^Ibid., No. 267. 
™Ibid., No. 193. 

William and Mary Quarterly 95 

commonly the law in these cases. The goods taken out of the 
two English ships at Swaaly hath been delivered to Keridge; the 
ships Pring intends to employ in the Company's service. The 
Lord Ambassador writes that never was anything more kindly 
taken at Court than the rescuing of this junk; what effect it will 
work upon this inconstant King is yet unknown for he is able to 
forget a good turn very suddenly." No need to debate upon the 
tempest this aroused in the bosoms of the East India directors. 

Sir Robert Rich, afterward Lord Rich, eventually second 
Earl of Warwick, still awaits his biographer. 17 In historic por- 
traiture he is a brilliant possibility. The nephew of Essex, he 
figured as a boy in a masque written by Ben Jonson and per- 
formed at Whitehall ; as a young man surcharged with audacity, 
we behold him reviving the traditions of an earlier day when 
English privateers might singe the King of Spain's beard — still 
more freely that of a heathen prince — without creating scandal ; 
later he turned Puritan and came to his end a statesman of the 
Commonwealth beloved by Cromwell. What part of him was 
honorable, what not, remains for the sympathetic biographer 
to determine. The prosaic vision of the mere investigator finds 
in Rich, as his ruling motive, a masterful addiction to the main 
chance. 18 

17 The most recent writer upon Rich is an avowed reactionary whose 
attitude is stated thus : "Virginia historians have a tendency to identify 
completely the cause of the Company with that of Parliament and have 
spared no adjectives in reviling the Earl of Warwick and Sir Nathaniel 
Rich as upholders of absolutism. This has, however, been greatly over 
done. The future careers of both of these men are inconsistent with 
such an' interpretation . . . ."—Beer, The Origins of the British 
Colonial System, X, 305. Admitting that the apologists for Sandys have 
sometimes shown the fond excess natural to apologists, I submit that 
the issue is not what Rich subsequently became, but what in early life 
he was. Tennyson has something to say upon a sober man of middle 
age "whose youth was full of wasteful noise." To my mind that would 
be putting it very mildly in the case of the second Earl of Warwick of 
the Rich family. 

18 Speaking of Rich's character, one cannot refrain from quoting 
this bit of cynical modernism found in the Calendar of State Papers, 
Domestic, 1625-26, No. 121 : "Robert Earl of Warwick (to Sec. Con- 

96 William and Mary Quarterly 

He had been led into piracy through that interesting minor 
episode, the relation between England and Savoy in the year 
1616. 19 It was then that Scarnafissi, the Ambassador of Savoy, 
passed across the stage of English politics, briefly, but with a 
certain brilliance, issuing commissions to Englishmen who would 
take the sea under Savoy's warrant to prey upon the commerce 
of Spain. The episode was perhaps the very end of an era. The 
spring of 161 7, may be held to mark the last upflaring of the 
Elizabethan temper, with its fanatical hatred of Spain, its un- 
bridled imagination, its antique conception of the sea as a free 
field for spoliation. Raleigh's wretched last voyage was made' 
possible by this momentary revival of a temper that had passed 
but was briefly resuscitated by the intrigues of Scarnafissi. In 
March, 161 7, Raleigh sailed. In the same fateful spring the last 
of all the Elizabethans, young Sir Robert Rich, accepted com- 
missions from Savoy, fitted ships at his own cost, and sent them 
forth to make spoil upon the ocean. 30 As we have seen they were 
not embarrassed by scruples. The result was deadly enmity be- 
tween Sir Robert Rich and Sir Thomas Smythe. 

Rich, despite the fact that his ships had been caught red- 

way) before his brother Montjoy received his commission for his troop 
of horse, some friends of his had entered into a treaty for his marriage. 
The Earl has written to the Queen to get him leave to stay and settle 
the business ; wives worth 125 or 130 thousand pounds are not to be 
had every day." 

19 As to the Duke of Savoy, James was "anxious ... to do 
what he could to help him . . . prided himself upon his assumed 
position of peacemaker in Europe . . . piqued at the long delay of 
the Spanish government in sending a reply to his pressing overtures on 
the subject of the marriage." — Gardiner, History of England, III, 49. 

20 Rich's Savoy commissions are mentioned in various places. For 
example: "Sir Robert Rich having set forth two ships for the East 
Indies and procured protection from the Duke of Savoy . it is 
thought fit that both this (East India) Company and the Turkey Com- 
pany should prefer their petition to the Frivy Council that he has sought 
foreign protection to the dishonour of his Majesty, prejudice of their 
country, and great damage of both their" Xompanies." — Calendar of 
State Papers, East Indies, 1617-1621, No. 284. 


William and Mary Quarterly 97 

handed in piratical assault upon a friendly power, had the effront- 
ery to claim damages from the East India Company. 21 His 
tactics are revealed by the court minutes of the Company under 
date of February 27, 1618, 22 when it was decided to prefer a 
petition "against Sir Robert Rich endeavoring to disgrace and 
damnify the Company in causing sailors to be examined, search- 
ing into the Company's actions abroad and trying to take all ad- 
vantage against them." 

The quarrel over Rich's ships dragged on with much virulence 
and varying fortunes all that year and, all the next. For the 
moment it may be dropped. Another cause of hostility between 
Rich and Smythe now developed. There was something like a 
runaway match between Smythe's son and the Lady Isabella 
Rich, Sir Robert's sister. 23 It appears to have incensed Sir 
Thomas, who like Shylock. knew not which to deplore most, his 
ducats or his daughter — the lamentation being altered as to sex. 
The feud was further intensified through a new way discovered 
by Rich to injure Smythe. In the course of 1618 letters were 
sent over to Virginia railing against Smythe, Johnson and all 
their works. 24 These letters declared that, "the merchants (as 
they, termed them) who then swayed the courts affected nothing 
but their own immoderate gain though with the poor planters ex- 
treme oppression, as appeared by their magazine." Done into 
explicit language these letters accuse the Smythe syndicate of 
abusing their monopoly. Here is the first instance in American 
history of that issue of the trust and the consumer with which we 
moderns are so distressingly familiar. The letters to Virginia 

^Ibid., Nos. 287, 557, 59i. 781, 783. 

22 Ibid., 287. 

23 Brown, Genesis of the United States, 1014, quotes a letter from 
Chamberlin to Carlton, describing the escapade to which the Earl of 
Pembroke gave his countenance, "which is thought a strange thing that 
so great a man and a counciler should give countenance to such an action 
as the robbing a man of his only child, a youth of 18 years old." A 
copyist's error, in the monumental history of Professor Channing, re- 
verses the relationship, making it an affair of "Warwick's son" and 
"Smythe's daughter." — History, I, 194. 

24 Kingsbury, Records, II, 404. 

98 William and Mary Quarterly 

intimated that if the planters wanted an advocate to go to the 
King and enlist His Majesty on their behalf, Sir Robert Rich 
was the man to serve them. That Rich had not caused these 
letters to be written, is more than most of us can believe. It is 
known also that letters were sent over from Virginia taking Rich 
at his word and beseeching the protection of the King against the 
company. 25 However, as will be plain in a moment the object 
aimed at was not in fact the company but the Smythe syndicate. 

25 Ibid.; also Brown, First Republic, 278, 280. 
(To Be Continued.) 

William and Mary Quarterly 99 


OF 1773-1775- 
By E. I. Miller, Chico, California. 

The committee of correspondence as a factor in American 
government seems to have originated in the Virginia assembly 
in 1759. With the exception of one intermission, from September, 
1764, to November, 1769, that first Virginia committee of cor- 
respondence had a continued and very influential existence till 
1770. A full account of that committee and its work, so far as 
the records show, has been given in another paper. 1 It is the 
purpose of this paper to give a sketch of the committee of cor- 
respondence organized march 12, 1773, by the Virginia House 
of burgesses on the proposal of Richard Henry Lee. Mr Lee. 
in a letter to John Dickinson had made a suggestion for 
such committees for all the colonies as early as July 25, 1768. 
The committees were to secure union of counsel and action. 2 
At the time the suggestion was made the old Virginia com- 
mittee of correspondence was still in existence, and this sug- 
gestion for another committee would seem to show that Lee had 
in mind work that differed from that of the committee already 

The committee of 1773 was to secure information "of all such 
acts and resolutions of the British Parliament, or proceedings of 
Administration, as may relate to or effect the British colonies in 
America, and to keep up and maintain a correspondence and 
communication with our sister colonies, respecting these im- 
portant considerations.*' 3 Of the two purposes the records show 
conclusively that correspondence with the other colonies with the 
desire of securing united action was the most important. After 

1 Quarterly, XXII, 1-19. 

2 Henry, Life of Patrick Henry, I, 162. 

3 Kennedy, Journal of House of Burgesses of Virginia, 1773-1776, 
pages xiv, 28. 

ioo William and Mary Quarterly 

July 5, 1770. both the old Virginia committee of correspondence 
and Montague, the agent in London, with whom it corresponded, 
drop out of the records. It seems probable the committee had 
disbanded, though it may merely have become inactive. In either 
case it did not seem to offer the proper medium for the work 
planned by the assembly of 1773. The old committee had dealt 
for the most part with relations between the colony and the 
mother country; the new committee was needed chiefly to handle 
the relations of Virginia and the other colonies. Moreover, the 
committee of 1773 was a committee of burgesses and not of bur- 
gesses and councilors combined. Therefore when it became de- 
sirable to have a committee of corespondence in 1773 the assem- 
bly did not revive the old committee, but created a new one. 

Thomas Jefferson took an active part in the movement to 
appoint the committee of 1773. He gives the following account 
of the origin of the committee : 

"Not thinking our old and leading members up to 
to the point of forwardness and zeal which the times re- 
quired, Mr. Henry, Richard Henry Lee, Francis L. Lee, 
Mr. Carr and myself agreed to meet in the evening in a 
' private room of the Raleigh to consult on the state of 
things. We were all sensible that the most urgent of all 
measures was that of coming to an understanding with all 
the other colonies, to consider the British claims as a 
common cause to all, and to produce a unity of action ; and 
for this purpose that a committee of correspondence in 
each colony would be the best instrument for intercom- 
munication ; and that their first measure would probably 
be, to propose a meeting of deputies from every colony, 
at some central place, who should be charged with the 
direction of the measures which should be taken by all. 
We therefore drew up the resolution." 4 

A new set of leaders, young, vigorous and full of courage, 
had determined to set aside the conservative and loyal old time 

4 Kennedy, page xi, also much same xii. 

William and Mary Quarterly ioi 

loaders who doubtless had hesitated to make such radical opposi- 
tion to the obnoxious measures of the English government as was 

Yet, we must not be too hasty in assuming that the old time 
leaders were all ignored in the appointment of the committee. 
By the list of burgesses 5 given by Kennedy, it appears that only 
six members of the old committee of correspondence were mem- 
bers of the house of burgesses in 1773. 6 Of these six, four 
became members of the new committee, 7 and one of the four. 
Peyton Randolph, the speaker, became chairman of the com- 
mittee. Along with these four were seven other members, mostly 
young but very able men. 8 Several of these seven new members 
had come into prominence by reason of the pronounced stand 
they had taken in the dispute with England over taxation. Four 
of them, Richard Henry Lee, Benjamin Harrison, Edmund 
Pendleton and Archibald Cary had been members of the com- 
mittee to draw up the address and memorial of protest against 
the stamp tax in 1764. Their stand on this and similar questions 
doubtless led to their appointment on this committee, where 
courage, almost boldness, and devotion to the American cause 
were, so necessary. 

At the meeting in the Raleigh tavern where the resolutions 9 
were drawn up Jefferson was suggested as the person to offer 
them in the house, and propose their adoption, but he, wishing to 

5 Kennedy, 3-4. 

6 Peyton Randolph, Robert Carter Nicholas, Richard Bland, Dudley 
Digges, Lewis Bunvell and Charles Carter. Of course the councilors of 
the old committee were not on this new committee of burgesses only. 

7 The first four named in note 6. 

8 Richard Henry Lee, Benjamin Harrison, Edmund Pendleton, Pat- 
rick Henry, Dabney Carr, Archibald Cary, and Thomas Jefferson. Ken- 
nedy, Journal of House of Burgesses, IJ73 J 76, 28; Journal of Burgesses, 
March, 1773, pages 35, 36; William and Mary Quarterly, V, 44, 45- 

9 Kennedy, XII. The resolutions were as follows : 

"Whereas, The mind of his Majesty's faithful subjects in this colony 
have been much disturbed, by various rumors and reports of proceed- 
ings tending to deprive them of their ancient, legal and constitutional 

"And whereas, The affairs of this Colony are frequently connected 

102 William and Mary Quarterly 

give his brother-in-law, Carr, a new member, a chance to become 
known to the house, urged that they be presented by Carr, which 
proposal was agreed to. Because the assembly criticised the 
governor it was prorogued three days after the adoption of thea*. 

Whether the appointment of this committee came from the 
suggestion of Richard Henry Lee, from the assembly's fami- 
liarity with the work of the first Virginia committee, or as is 
sometimes claimed, from the fact that a committee of cor- 
respondence had been organized by Samuel Adams in Massa- 
chusetts the preceding November to unite the towns, the fact re- 

with those of Great Britain, as well as of those of the neighboring colo- 
nies, which renders a communication of sentiments necessary; in order, 
therefore, to remove the uneasiness, and to quiet the minds of the people, 
as well as for other good purposs above mentioned, 

"Be it resolved, That a Committee of Correspondence and Inquiry 
be appointed, to consist of eleven persons to wit: The Honorable Pey- 
ton Randolph, Esquire, Robert Carter Nicholas, Richard Bland, Richard 
Henry Lee, Benjamin Harrison, Edmund Pendleton, Patrick Henry, Dud- 
ley Digges, Dabney Carr, Archibald Cary and Thomas Jefferson, Es- 
quires, any six of whom to be a committee, whose business it shall be 
to obtain the most early and authentic intelligence of all such acts and 
resolutions of the British Parliament, or proceedings of Administration, 
as may relate to or effect the British colonies in America, and to keep 
up and maintain a correspondence and communication with our sister 
colonies, respecting these important considerations; and the result of 
such proceedings, from time to time, to lay before this House. 

"Resolved, That it be an instruction to the said committee, that they 
do, without delay, inform themselves particularly of the principles and 
authority on which was constituted a court of inquiry, said to have been 
lately hel'd in Rhode Island, with powers to transmit persons accused of 
offences committed in America to places beyond the seas to be tried." 
The record then says, "The said resolutions being severally read a second 
time, were, upon the question severally put thereupon, agreed to by 
the house, nemine contradicente. 

"Resolved, That the speaker of this house do transmit to the speak- 
ers of the different Assemblies of the British colonies on the continent, 
copies of the said resolutions, and desire that they will lay them before 
their respective Assemblies, and request them to appoint some person or 
persons of their respective bodies, to communicate from time to time 
with the said committee." 

William and Mary Quarterly 103 

mains that the other colonies, Massachusetts included, recog- 
nized that the committee of correspondence, in 1773, originated 
in the Virginia house of burgesses. On May 27th Massachusetts 
approved the course Virginia had taken and appointed a com- 
mittee wholly distinct from that which it already had to carry 
on correspondence with the towns. The letter giving notice of 
the appointment is dated June 3rd. 10 Nevertheless the idea of the 
committee of correspondence was by no means new. 11 On March 
13th, the day following its appointment by the assembly, the com- 
mittee of correspondence organized by appointing John Tazewell 
as clerk. It had been understood when the committee was ap- 
pointed that the speaker of the assembly, Peyton Randolph, was 
to be chairman of the committee. A select corresponding com- 
mittee consisting of Randolph, Nicholas and Digges was ap- 
pointed to do the actual work of correspondence. This select 
committee was given power to call meetings of the general com- 
mittee whenever it might be necessary. 12 A circular letter was 
prepared and sent out to the other assemblies. It enclosed a copy 
of the resolution for the appointment of the committee and in- 
vited those assemblies in turn to send their opinions about them 
as soqn as possible. The response to this letter was all that 
could be expected. All the assemblies except Pennsylvania, 13 
scted on the sugestions at their earliest oportunity, 14 appointed 

10 Kennedy, 50; W. W. Henry, Life of Patrick Henry, I, 65. 

11 Frothingham, Rise of Republic, 279. 

12 Kennedy, 42. 

13 A city committee of correspondence was appointed in Philadelphia 
and co-operated with the colonial committees until such time as the as- 
sembly cduld act. It undertook to get the sentiment of the colony as 
well as of the city. Even the assembly which was about to dissolve ex- 
pressed approval. (Kennedy, 56, 146-7.) 

14 True only five assemblies besides Virginia selected such com- 
mittees within the next few months. But some of the assemblies did not 
have meetings for nearly a year after this time, therefore they had no 
opportunity to select committees. Naturally the governors whose busi- 
ness it was to call assemblies in session would not call them for such a 
purpose as to appoint committees of correspondence. The dates on which 
the various assemblies appointed their committees are found in Froth- 
ingham's Rise of the Republic, notes, pp. 284, 312, and are as follows: 

104 William and Mary Quarterly 

committees of correspondence, and in letters to the Virginia com- 
mittee, were profuse in their praise of Virginia's patriotism. A 
quotation from the resolutions of the Massachusetts House of 
Representatives will illustrate: 

"Resolved, that this House have a very grateful Sense of 
the Obligations they are under to the House of Burgesses m 
Virginia, for the Vigilance, firmness and wisdom which they have 
discovered at all Times in Support of the Rights and Liberties of 
the American Colonies ; and do heartily concur with them in their 
said judicious and spirited Resolves. " 15 

As has already been said the next day after its appointment 
the committee began its active work. In the resolutions for the 
appointment of the committee the assembly instructed it to in- 
vestigate the establishment by the English authorities of a court 
of inquiry in Rhode Island and to report thereon. Some time 
before the Gaspee, an English revenue vessel, had been sent to 
Rhode Island to assist the revenue officers. It had been over 
zealous in the performance of its duty, and when it was unfor- 
tunate enough to run aground, it was burned by those persons 
who resented the use made of the vessel. This was regarded as 
treason, and it was the special court organized to investigate this 
matter, that aroused the fears of the Virginians and led to the 
appointment of the committees of correspondence in Virginia and 
the five other colonies. Their commission to the court authorized 
that body to call upon General Gage for the armed forces of 
England in the colonies, to enforce its orders. But the most 
objectionable feature was that accused persons were to be sent 
to England for trial, which was virtually a denial of the right 
of trial by jury. It was this fact chiefly that aroused the colonies, 

Rhode Island, May 7, 1773; Connecticut, May 21; New Hampshire, May 
27; Massachusetts, May 28; South Carolina, July 8; Georgia, September 
10; Maryland, October 15; Delaware, October 23; North Carolina, De- 
cember 8; New York, January 20, 1774; New Jersey, February 8, 1774. 
From this it is seen that New Jersey the latest one was less than a year 
later than Virginia the earliest. In the meantime the Boston Fort Bill 
gave new impetus to the appointment of committees. (Also see Collins, 
250-1 for dates.) 

15 Kennedy, 47-64. I43" I 59- See especially Mass., 50-1. 

William and Mary Quarterly 105 

for they had always objected to sending people to England for 
trial under any conditions. The Virginia burgesses were parti- 
cularly strong on this subject, having formed some very strong 
resolutions on the subject in 1 768-9. 1G 

The investigation of this case was referred by the general 
committee to the select committee, and it was directed to request 
the desired information from the speakers of the assemblies of 
Rhode Island, Massachusetts, Connecticut and New York. These 
colonies were not only neighbors to the one directly involved, 
but the court was made up of officials from these colonies and 
New Jersey. 17 

The one duty assigned to this committee that closely resembled 
the work of the first Virginia committee of correspondence was 
to procure from England all acts of parliament which had been 
or which in the future should be passed that related to the affairs 
of America. The journals of the house of commons were also to 
be secured. In particular they desired a copy of the act of parlia- 
ment recently passed for the better caring for the king's dock- 
yards, ships, magazines, ammunition and stores. On the sixth 
of April, the select committee decided to correspond with John 
Norton, a London merchant, who was to act as a kind of agent 
to secure the documents desired. 1S A letter of appointment and 
directions was sent to Norton and he was desired to send a reply 
by the first ship. His reply was dated July 6, 1773. 19 After giv- 
ing an account of what he had already done and promising to be 
zealous in the performance of the duty assigned him, he made 
some comments on the "Strides towards Dispotism" of the recent 
parliament and discussed the proposed sending of tea ships to 
America. His knowledge of the attitude likely to be taken by 
the Americans toward the tea ships was so accurate as to suggest 
that the committee made a good selection as agent. 

The first letters sent out to the speakers oi the various colonial 
assemblies all contained the resolutions on which the committee 

18 Wirt, Life of Henry, 103-104. 

17 Frothingham, 276-7. 

18 Kennedy, 41-2. 

19 Kennedy, 53. 

io6 William and Mary Quarterly 

was established. In addition they contained copies of the act 
which Virginia had just passed to punish the counterfeiting of 
the paper money of any other colony. 20 Virginia had just found 
that her own paper money had been counterfeited by an inhabitant 
of North Carolina, and that there was no law to prevent such an 
act or to punish the offender. So she passed a law to prevent 
her own citizens counterfeiting the paper money of other states 
and then sent it to other colonies, asking them to do a similar 
thing and thus protect all the colonies. Here was a use for 
the committee which had nothing of hostility to the mother coun- 
try in it. It shows a need for such a mode of communicating 
as was proposed by Benjamin Franklin in 1754. This one 
example shows that great good in a legitimate way might have 
been accomplished by inter-colonial committees of correspon- 
dence and that without opposing the home government. Never- 
theless we must recognize, as did the British ministry, that the 
primary purpose of organizing these committees was to unite 
the colonies in opposition to the mother country. 21 It was a 
revolutionary measure and was so understood. The letter written 
by the Massachusetts Bay committee, October 21, 1773, shows 
a very strong revolutionary attitude toward the English govern- 
ment. It is so strong that even the members who signed it 
(Thomas Cushing, Samuel Adams and William Heath), saw its 
dangerous character and requested that its contents be not made 
public. Two brief quotations from the letter will illustrate its 
temper. 22 

"We are far from desiring the Connection between Great 
Britain and America should be broken. Esto perpetua, is our 
most ardent wish ; but upon the Terms only of Equal Liberty." 

In referring to the plan to allow the East India company to 
send tea ships to America, it says : 

"It is easy to see how aptly this Scheme will serve both to 
destroy the Trade of the Colonies and increase the Revenue 
How necessary then is it, that each Colony should take effectual 

20 Kennedy, 41. 

21 Kennedy, 56-7. Letter of Massachusetts. 

22 Kennedy, 56-8. 

William and Mary Quarterly 107 

methods to prevent this Measure from having its designed Effect. " 

In spite of the strong declarations by the Massachusetts com- 
mittee, and the fact that the committees were formed to organize 
opposition to England, the activity of the committees was not 
great until after the Boston Tea Party. But when the tea was 
destroyed in Boston harbor and parliament passed the Boston 
Port Bill closing the port of Boston and opening that of Marble- 
head, not only the committees, but the assemblies they represented 
began to be more active and to take on a bolder tone. Mary- 
land in particular in a letter to Virginia, 23 proposed (1) that im- 
mediately all exporting to Great Britain stop, and that after a short 
interval to be agreed upon imports from Great Britain also should 
cease, and that trade should not be renewed until the Port of 
Boston was reopened; (2) that the association be on oath; (3) 
that lawyers take no cases for the recovery of debts due from 
colonial to British merchants; (4) that they refuse to deal fur- 
ther with any colony that refused to join the majority of colonies 
in these or similar resolutions. This was a proposed boycott. 

We have no letter by the Virginia committee on this subject, 
but we do have the action of the house of burgesses and since 
the leaders of the committee were leaders of the committee were 
leaders in the house, there is little doubt that the committee wa* 
in harmony with the action of the house. Mr. Jefferson says : 

"The lead in the House, on these subjects, being no longer 
left to the old members, Mr. Henry, R. H. Lee, F. L. Lee, three 
or four other members, whom I do not recollect, and myself, 
agreeing that we must boldly take an unequivocal stand in line 
with Massachusetts, determined to meet and consult on the proper 
measures. . . . We were under conviction of the necessity 
of arousing our people from the lethargy into which they had 
fallen, as to passing events ; and thought that the appointment of 
a day of general fasting and prayer, would be most likely to call 
up and alarm their attention." 2-t 

The result of the meeting was a resolution appointing June 
Tst, the day the Boston Port Bill was to go into force, as a ' f day 

23 Kennedy, 146. 
2* Kennedy, XV. 

io8 William and Mary Quarterly 

of fasting, humiliation and prayer, to implore Heaven to avert 
from us the evils of civil war, to inspire us with firmness in sup- 
port of our rights, and to turn the hearts of the King and Parlia- 
ment to moderation and justice." 

Mr. Nicholas, known for his religious character, consented 
to move its adoption, which he did the next day, May 24, 1774. 25 
There was no opposition in the house, but when two days later 
the resolution was printed in the Virginia Gazette, the governor 
immediately called the burgesses before him in the council cham- 
br and dissolved the house. 

Dissolution did not end the united action of these burgesses, 
however, for on May 27th, the day following the dissolution, 
eighty-nine of the former burgesses met in the Raleigh Tavern 
and drew up an ''association," the substance of which is as 
follows : 

That the act of the governor dissolving the house, deprived 
it of the opportunity to complete its legislative work, and made 
necessary another method of pointing out to the people what 
would have to be done to protect their rights and liberties. All 
efforts of the Americans to reach an understanding with the 
mother country had been disregarded by England and still greater 
injustices, such as the tea tax and the closing of the port of 
Boston, had been imposed. All colonists were urged not to pur- 
chase either tea or any other East India product, save saltpetre 
and spices, until the grievances were redressed. An attack on the 
liberties of one colony was an attack on the liberties of all and 
called for 'the united wisdom of all. That it was recommended 
that the committee of correspondence communicate with the sev- 
eral committees of correspondence on the expediency of ap- 
pointing delegates to meet in a general congress, to deliberate on 
those general measures which the united interests of America 
might from time to time require. 26 It states that consideration for 
the interests of the British merchants prevented them going fur- 
ther at that time but the threat was implied that they would do 

25 For resolutions see Wirt's Life of Pat. Henry, 112-13. 

26 Kennedy, XIII-XIV. 

William and Mary Quarterly 109 

so later if necessary. The association was also endorsed by 
several clergymen and other colonists. 

•Here we find a suggestion of a general congress. Four days 
before, though not known to the Virginians, the New York 
Committee of Correspondence made a similar proposal in a letter 
to the Massachusetts committee. 27 Even before New York's 
proposal, the Philadelphia committee, in replying. to a letter from 
the Virginia committee proposing an agreement to stop imports 
and exports from and to Great Britain, said that instead of the 
agreement, it preferred a general congress of deputies from the 
colonies. xAccording to the suggestion, the congress should state 
clearly ''what we conceive our Rights, and make a Claim or 
Petition of them to his Majesty in firm but decent and dutiful 
Terms, so as that we may know by what Line to conduct our- 
selves in future." 2S This letter was dated May 21, 1774, and 
thus was two days earlier than the New York letter and six days 
earlier than the Virginia Association. Several other colonies 
through either their committees or by act of their assemblies, 
made similar suggestions at the same time or soon after, thus 
showing that the idea was generally abroad in the colonies. 29 

27 Collins An. Rept. of Am. Hist. Assoc. 1901, I, 262. 

28 Kennedy, 147. 

29 The following dates on which the suggestion of a Congress are 
made are culled from the letters of Committees of Correspondence in the 
Virginia State Library as printed by Kennedy on the pages indicated. 
The dates are those of the letters. Delaware, May 26, 1774, page 149; 
Connecticut, June 13, 1774, page 151 ; Secretary of Philadelphia Com., 
June 18, 1774, suggested to Virginia that Virginia name a time and place, 
page 152; and July 22, 1774, the Pennsylvania assembly chose delegates, 
pages 158, 159; Rhode Island Assembly, second Monday in June, 1774, 
passed resolutions for a congress, suggested that it be annual, and chose 
delegates to first Congress, page 153; North Carolina, June 21, 1774, ap- 
proved Virginia's proposal for a general congress, pages 153-4; New 
York, June 24, 1774, says the committee has no power to select delegates, 
pages 154-5; Maryland, June 26, 1774, proposes Philadelphia. September 
20, as a place and time, page 155; Massachusetts committee, June 17, 1774, 
proposed September and Philadelphia as time and place and appointed five 
delegates to attend, page 156; New Jersey, July 25. 1774, joint committee 
of counties appointed delegates to Congress, page 158. 

no William and Mary Quarterly 

Having the examples of the Albany convention or Congress of 
1754 and the Stamp Act Congress of 1765 before them, the sug- 
gestion of a congress in 1774 can hardly be called an original 
inspiration. In compliance with the recommendation of the asso- 
ciation adopted by the Virginia burgesses on May 28, 1774, the 
select committee of correspondence wrote to the other committees 
asking for their views on the proposal. for an annual congress of 
delegates from all the colonies. Three days later it urged the 
Virginia counties to select delegates to a provincial convention. 30 
After all the question of what colony first proposed the congress 
is of little importance here. The more vital fact in this discus- 
sion is that the suggestion was spread through the committees 
of correspondence, and it was through these same committees that 
the time and place were settled. For such work the committee 
was admirably adapted, and without such committees it is hard 
to see just how the united action of the colonies could have been 
secured. The regular organs of government were everywhere 
still in the hands of the representatives of the English govern- 
ment, and as a matter of course all moves toward a congress to 
protest against the acts of the English government were forced 
into extra legal channels. In spite of the fact that it was the 
assembly in all the thirteen colonies except Pennsylvania that ap- 
pointed committees of correspondence, it is still true that in most 
cases these committees were appointed by one house only, and 
did not receive the approval of the other branch of the legisla- 
ture, nor of the executive. They were in a limited sense legal 
bodies, but in the main they were not only extra-legal, but their 
purpose was to work against the legal machinery of government. 
Tt is evident then that they were admirably fitted in origin, in 
purpose and in organization to serve as a preliminary stage in 
the organizing of a revolutionary movement. 

While well fitted for this preliminary stage, they were not a 
sufficient agency by which to carry on a revolution. It was neces- 
sary to have a more centralized and unified system, in order to 
secure uniformity of action. The method of sending proposals 
around for ratification by the various committees as was done in 

30 W. \V. Henry, Life of Patrick Henry, I, 181-3. 

William and Mary Quarterly hi 

Massachusetts, and as was done to some extent in the colony 
committees, was too slow and too uncertain. Either some certain 
colony committee must be allowed to lead, or a more organized 
body must be devised. The congress was this next stage. 

In the organization of the congress the committees of cor- 
respondence had a leading and a very important part; 31 after 
the congress was organized the committees still existed, but 
they were subordinate to the congress, and become in part a 
local body to execute the orders of the congress. Article twelve 
cf the Association adopted by the congress of 1774, says, the 
committee of correspondence in the respective colonies should 
inspect the entries of custom-houses, and report to each other all 
material circumstances relative to the Association. 32 Thus it seems 
that the congress looked to the committee as the agent in each 
colony to enforce the decisions of the congress. Of course the 
congress itself was not a permanent body, nor was it even pos- 
sible for it to be in session long at a time, hence the need of 
some organized group in each colony to enforce its recommenda- 
tions. The committee of correspondence was naturally the body 
to be intrusted with this work. The Virginia committee was also 
recognized by the convention of delegates held in March, 1775, at 
Richmond. The committee was directed to get reliable informa- 
tion on the reported repudiation of the work of the continental 
congress by the legislature of New York. This instruction of 
the Richmond convention shows that the committee was still ex- 
pected to do some of its former work, while the directions of the 
congress added new burdens to it. Collins has shown how this 
additional burden helped to disintegrate the committees in the 
various colonies. 33 When hostilities began, the necessity of mili- 
tary preparations, the need of providing governing bodies, and 
the many other acts incident to revolution made the burden too 
great for any one committee. The result was that many other 
committees, such as of defense, of safety, etc., came into exist- 

31 It is not claimed that all the suggestions came through the com- 
mittee. For other sources see Frothingham, 285, 331-3, note. 

32 William and Mary Quarterly, V, 59ft. 

33 Collins, Edw. D. An. Rept. Am. Hist. Assoc. 1901, I, 264-9. 

ii2 William and Mary Quarterly 

ence. As these new committees and the congress succeeded in 
organizing a complete system of revolutionary government, local, 
provincial, and national, the need for the general asembly com- 
mittees of correspondence decreased until' we find them disap- 
pearing altogether. The last letter written by the Virginia com- 
mittee was dated April 7, 1775, and was addressed to the New 
York Committee as directed by ., the Richmond Convention of the 
month before. This letter called out a reply from the New York 
Committee affirming their colony's loyalty to the general cause. 
The letter is dated May 5, 1775, and is 'the last record of the 
activity of the Virginia Committee. 

The importance of the committee of correspondence as an 
agent for crystalizing and uniting revolutionary sentiment can 
hardly be over estimated. Collins says, 34 k 'The function of the 
committees was to fan the flame of dissatisfaction in local centers 
so that when a deliberative body should meet it should be repre- 
sentative not of conservative but of revolutionary interests." 
From the first moment of its creation the committee of corres- 
pondence was an agent of revolution. Its offices in reconciling 
the interests of colonies and mother country were confined to state- 
ments of wish or intention, and the statements are a sufficient key 
to their own failure. 35 The committee helped to create and unify 
public sentiment on the idea that England was unjust in her 
treatment of the colonies; it discussed constitutional questions; 
it helped to show that there was a common cause for all the 
colonies; it helped to show the possibilities of united resistance; 
it was a beginning stage of a new revolutionary government. 
When this new government was well established the need for 
the committee in a large measure disappeared. 

The Virginia committee cannot claim all the glory of this 
work. But it was the forerunner and inciter to action of that 
intercolonial type of committee of correspondence. It is to the 
honor and glory of the Virginia burgesses that they had the 
sagacity to see when the time for such a committee was ripe, 

34 Collins, 270. 

35 Collins, 271. 

William and Mary Quarterly 113 

and that they had the courage to take a step which led to such 
important consequences. To the members of that committee of 
1773 we must give much credit for prompt, definite and bold 
action. That such men should have prominent parts in the 
larger movements of the about to be newly created government 
was inevitable. 

H4 William and Mary Quarterly 

(Continued from Vol. XXL, No. 3, Page 162.) 

The Larger Book. 

Nov. 5, 1783. — James Gentry, of Guilford, N. C, Sarah, his wife, 
to Micajah Butler, of King \V m , 154 a. Deep Swamp 
adj: \V m Toler, Jas. Shelton, Chas. Tyler, Bartelet 
Tyler used to live. 

Mar. 10, 1785. — John X. Gentry & Nancy, his wife, of St. Paul's 
dec' d , bought of Rich d Foster & Sarah, his wife, this 
land on branches Totopotomoy Creek & dee'd, & in his 
will left to his daughter Nancy Sims, (now Nancy, the 
wife of said John Gentry) who I st married Parke Smith 
& wh. Parke Smith sold to John Parke, who sold it to / 
Joseph Brand, who sold it to \Y m Sims, who sold it to v> ~ 
John Timberlake dec d & was inherited by Benj. Tim- 
berlake, son of John adj. Archer's, Tyler's, Gentry, Sims. 
1 Parke Smith had only a life interest & soon after giving 
a deed to said land dated 7 Sept. 1775, left the state & 
is now supposed to be dead. 

June 7, 1787. — Geo. X. Gentry & Elizabeth, his wife, to John 
Harvie of Richmond City 66a, now in possession of 
said Harvie, on Pamunkey River — adj. land Mr. Patrick 
Henry, lately sold said Harvie adj. Crenshaw's. 
1786. — John Garland of Hanover to Moor Bell 30 a. South 
of road leading from Kendrick's ordinary to New Castle 
& on road leading to White's Mill, — said land in a tri- 
angle formed by the two roads. 

Feb. 15, 1787.— John Garland, of St. PauJ>, to Moor Bell 38^4 
a. lower end of his homestead adj. said Garland, said 
Bell, Austin on Long Branch. 
1788. — John Garland to his nephew John Ingram, and 
Thomas Robinson Ingram, sons of John and Ann In- 
gram of the borough of Norfolk (negroes.) 

William and Mary Quarterly 115 

June 22, 1789. — John Garland, of Mayfield, in Hanover, to Parke 
Goodali & Geddes Winston — household furniture. 

Aug. 10, 1791. — John Garland, of Hanover, to W m Ellis ^4 a. 
adj. said Garland & said Ellis. 

Feb. 7, 1792. — John Garland, of Hanover, to Daniel Trueheart 
2 a. adj. said Garland & said Trueheart. Witness Bat. 
Trueheart, J. Green. 

Dec. 10, 1783. — W r ade Gooch, St. Paul's, to James Hooper, 25 a. 
wh. he inherited from his father, John Gooch, on Elder 
Swamp, Chas. Barker. 

July 23, 1784. — Parke Goodali to John Cook, of Caroline, negroes 
in trust for Mary Davenport, wife of Gideon Daven- 
port, & Richard Davenport, her son and infant. Not 
subject to Power of her husband. 

Mar. 7, 1788. — Parke Goodali app'ts Nathan'l Pope his att'y. 

Nov. 4, 1790. — Parke Goodall's bond as sheriff of Hanover; his 
securities, Jno Starke, Jr. Jno Starke, Sr., W m Ander- 
son, Thos. White, Edwin Fleet. 

Oct. 29, 1790. — Parke. Goodali & Mary, his wife, to Peter Chris- 
tian 190 a. a part of that bought by said Goodali from 
Patrick Logan on Falling creek — Peter Ragland. 

Sept. 3, 1783. — Nathan X Gibson & Ann, his wife, of Albemarle 
Co., to Henry Hughes of St. Paul's for 5 shillings 50 
a. wh. land said Nathan'l Gibson bought of John Starke, 

Oct. 7, 1781. — Jas. Goodman to Elkanah Baughan 100 a. adj. 
said Goodman, Chas. Smith, David Tulloch, Chas. Yea- 
mans, Jno. Hinchey. 

July 6, 1786. — Joseph Goodman to Jno Phillips 200 a. in Han- 
over & in Louisa Co. on River. I ^/>^^ 

Oct. 4, 1784. — John Grimes, of Hanover, to James of Caroline 
400 a. (said land bought by W m Grimes dec d from 
< Jacob Hundley) adj. Ambrose Lipscomb, Alex. King, 
Henry Priddy. 

May 12, 1784.— W m Grimes & Mildred his wife, of St. Paul's, to 
W m Darricott 159 a., St. Paul's, South of Hane's road 
in W ra O. Winston. 

n6 William and Mary Quarterly 

Nov. 3, 1785. — YV m Grimes & Mildred, his wife St. Paul's to W m 

Hooper & Obediah Hooper 424 a. 
Nov. 5, 1785. — W m Gardner bondjwith Thos. Tinsley security, as 

assistant Inspector at Page's warehouse. 
Aug. 5, 1789. — John Glinn & Elizabeth, his wife, to Martin 

Baker, Glinn's homestead 100 a bounded on Toler's, Jno 

Grubbs, Jno. Winn, Sr., Peter Winn. 
May 8, 1789. — James Glazebrook to Jno. Bowles, Sr. 
Jan. 6, 1791. — Mescon Green & Francis, his wife, to Chas. 

Lewis Clarke 100 a on Shirley; Stoney Run. 
June 20, 1783. — Matthew X Hill & Alary his wife to W m B. 

Hewlett, of New Kent 26 a. adj. Robt. Via, said Hewlett, 

Elisha Hazelgrove, Gabriel Hill Dec d . 
Nov. 20, 1783. — W ra Hix & Sarah his wife to Pettus Ragland 51 

a. road by Mr. John Hix on Falling creek. 
Nov. 11, 1783. — John Hix of St. Paul to his son Joseph Hix 100 

a. on Falling Creek adj. Jno. Hix, W m Hix. 
Oct. 8, 1784.— John X. Hicks & Elizabeth his wife <;>f St. Paul 

to Jas. Cross 390 a. on Leap Water & Falling Creek 

adj. Stephen Planes, John Mead, W rm Planes, Jeremiah 
, Fraizier. 
Nov. 4, 1784. — John X Hix of St Paul to Sam 1 Priddy part of 

land said Hicks lives on, adj. Jeremiah Frazer, s'd. 

Preddy, David Rowland, Sr. 
Dec. 6, 1787. — Joseph Hicks & Dorothy, his wife, David Hanes 

& Finch Ragland to Pettus Ragland 3 tracts — viz : — 

(1) Joseph Flicks, tract 94 a. adj. land of said Pettus Rag- 
' land, Chas. Davis, Jno Davis & John King. dec d , being 

land whereon s'd Joseph now lives. 

(2) said Davis Hanes 2}4 a. across branch from Pettus 

(3) said Finch y 2 a. Jos. Cross, Pettus Ragland. 

May 31, 1783. — Whereas Jno Hughes & Mary his wife on Dec. 
17, 1782 sold Matthew & Rich d Anderson 118 a. 

Aug. 25, 1784. — Kennel X Hughes of St. Paul to Jno Paisley 
Jr. 105 a. adj. Jno Paisley, Sr, Jno Barker, Abram Bid- 
kin, Jno. Anderson, Nicholas Mays, on Swamp. 

William and Mary Quarterly 117 

Sept. 5, 1787. — Jno. Hughes & Fanny his wife to Jas. Hooper 
100 a. St Paul South Fork of Stag Creek adj. Edmund 
Taylor, Jno. Nowell &Thos. White, Austin Morris. 

A112:. I, 1785. — W m Hughes to Jas. Paisley, the elder, 63 J/2 a., 
whereon W rm Hughes now resides. 

Sept. 13, 1787. — Nathaniel Hughes to Jno Garland 48 a. adj. 
said Garland & said Hughes. Begin at the cross be- 
tween said Garland & said Hughes adj. Jno. Richardson 
Elizabeth Murray. 

Jan. 24, 1785. — W m Hanes & Sally X his wife of St Paul to 
Rich d Littlepage 99 a. S'd Hanes homestead adj. Xopher 
JTanes, .Thos. Hanes, John Hix, Sam 1 Bumpas. 

June 10, 1785. — W m Hanes of St Paul to his son Jno Hanes 83 a. 
being remainder of land not already given to his other 
sons to wit: Nathaniel, Benjamin, Griffith & Thos. 
Hargrove, join lands of Macon Green, W m Darricott, 
Thos. Hargove. 

Nov. 3, 1785. — Xopher Hanes & Kesiah, his wife, of St Paul 
to Rich d Littlepage 150 a. in lower part of land whereon 
Xopher Hanes dec d , — & other of the said Xopher lately 
, lived & where his mother Mary Hanes now lives, adj. 
Thos. Hanes, Griffith Hanes, Benj. Hanes, Thos. Har- 
grove, Fortunatus Green & s'd Littlepage. 

April 26. 17S7. — Christopher Hanes of St Paul & Kesiah X 
his wife to Richard Littlepage 55 a. where Xopher Hanes 
now lives adj. land heretofore sold by s'd Xopher Hanes 
&Kesiah his wife to the said Richard Littlepage. 

Jan. 1, 1787. — John Penny & his wife Fanny & Stephen Hanfs 
' to W m Fontain — house at South Anna bridge formerly 
property of Chas Carter, Esq. 

June 3, 1789. — Stephen Haynes of St Paul to Joseph Cross, Jr. 
32 a. a part of said Playne's homestead adj. said Cross. 

Sept. 6, 1790. — Stephen Haynes to Peter feobert DeNeuville of 
St Paul (negroes). 

Oct. 28, 1 79 1. —Griffith Planes of St Paul to John Hill 82K' a. 
wh. was given by his father W m Hanes adj. Nathan 
Haynes, Thos Planes, Benj. Hanes & Jno Hill. 

n8 William and Mary Quarterly 

May i, 1792. — W m Hughes, Jr., to Jno Hughes 289 a. (where 
\V m Hughes dec d lived, whose will 5 Dec. 1788 left the 
land to his son William, provided he would leave his 
place in Fluvanna wh. he refused to do — on great Alle: A 
Creek, adj. Jno Gilliam, W m Childress, Xopher Clarke, 
Nathan West. 

Apr. 18, 1792. — John Hughes & \\' m Hughes, Jr. Exors. of W m . 
Hughes decd, to W ra Childress 258^ a. where W m 
Hughes dec d formerly lived on Allen's Creek &c. 

May 6, 1784.— W m Harris & Elizabeth his wife, Henry Fleet & 
Mildred his wife to Edwin Fleet "whereas Elizabeth 
Harris & Mildred Fleet stand seized of two seventh 
part of undivided tract (formerly the dower land of 
Sarah Pierce, relict of Jno. Pierce dec d ) & which they 
hold as co-heirs of s'd Jno Pierce in St Paul." 

Nov. 5, 1784. — James Flarris of Caroline to Malcolm Hart of 
Hanover Town 400 a. wh. Harris lately bought of Jno. 
Grimes adj. Ambrose Lipscomb, Alex. King dec d , Henry 

Feb. 7, 1785. — Thos X Harris of St Paul to Chas Toler 100 a. 
1 adj. Peter Winn, W m Bowles, Burton, Jno. Crenshaw, 
John Glinn, Peter Winn. 

Aug. 31, 1786. — Daniel Harris to. Chas. Collins & Jane his dau., 
& wife to said Daniel Harris &c. deed of trust — 95 a. 
St. Martin's, adj. John Ambler, Geo. Harris, Jno. Harris, 
Thos Harris. 

Apr. 19, 1786. — James Harris & Mary, his wife, of Henrico to 
Jno. Taylor 400 a. on Sinking Hole Creek adj. Ambrose 
Lipscomb, Alex. King, dec d , Henry Priddy, being land 
bought of Jacob Hundley by W m . Grimes & given by 
him to his son John Grimes who conveyed it to said 

Dec. 25, 1787. — Daniel Harris of St Martin to Jno Harris 139 
a. adj. Thos. Stanley, Jno. Harris, Geo. Clough, Ed- 
ward James, Cedar Creek. 

Nov. 11, 1788. — James Harris & Mary his wife of Henrico to 
Talton Pleasants 204 a. adj. Thos. Nelson. 

William and Mary Quarterly 119 

Nov. 22, 1790. — Daniel Harris to James Henry & Henry Joyce 

(negroes &c.) 
Apr. 1, 1790. — W m Harris & W ra Nelson, adm tors of the will of 

James Cosby dec d (dated 11 Mar. 1784) to W m Minor 

572 a. North side Little River adj. Dr. James Nelson. 
Sept. 29, 1740. — James Harris & Rachel his wife. Exchange with 

Thos. Stanley & Unity his wife ^2 a. for y 2 a. both on 

Cedar Creek above mill pond. 
Oct. 28, 1797. — Archelaw Harris & Fanny his wife of State 

Georgia app't John Talbot their att'y. 
Apr. 2, 1790. — Thos. Harris & Chlotilda his wife to Higgason 

King 87 a., Bush Creek road, Kings. 
Apr. 22, 1792. — John Harris & Rachel his wife to W m Harris 

& Unity his wife exchange for one acre on Cedar Creek. 
May 5, 1784.— W m Harden of St Paul to Thos Tucker 50 a. adj. 

W m Row, Davis Blackwell road leading to Bottom's 

bridge). Jno Adams, Eliabeth Clarke, Jno. Holland. 
May 21, 1787.— Robert Blackwell & Mary his wife & W m X. 

Harden to James Hooper 44^4 a. Goodly hole adj. 

W m Harden. 
May ,17, 1790. — W m X. Harden to Susan Spencer a negroe boy. 
Nov. 2, 1784. — Rebecca Henson, Chas. Yeamans & Obediah X 

Farmer to Thos. Smith 48 a. adj. Fontaine Hills. 
Nov. 22, 1784. — John Hendrick of Hanover to his children, W m 

Hendrick, Elizabeth Byars, Barbara Anderson, Nancy 

Flendrick, Polly Hendrick, Sally Hendrick & Patsey 

Oct. 11,' 1784. — Dr. Robert Honyman & Mildred his wife to 

Isaac Winston, said land bought by said Honyman from 

Benj. Brown dec d adj. John Brown, Thos. Wing-field, 

Thos. Harris, Isaac Winston. 
Nov. 18, 1784. — Mr. Thos Brewster of London, England & Mr. 

Thos. Harrison of London Merchants app't Mr. Mal- 

comb Hart, merchant of Hanover Town their atty. 
Feb. 1, 1786. — Jno. Howard St Paul, rent to Geo. Meredith & 

Benj. Warren 170^ a. wh. said Howard received by 

the death of his brother W m Howard adj. Nicholas B. 


120 William and Mary Quarterly 

Oct. 28, 1785. — Edmond X Humphrey to Jno. Farrar of Gooch- 
land 200 a. on Chickahominy, called "Wild Horn." 

Oct. 5, 1774. — Edmond X Humphrey & Sarah his wife of St 
Paul to Xopher Cawthorn 150 a. adj. Valentine Bowles, 
Solomon Xash, Pauncey Anderson. 

Aug. 19, 1786. — Barttelot Anderson & Xathan Hood, executors of 
will of Charles Hood dec d of Hanover, to Billy Tally 
of St Paul, said land given to said Chas. Hood by his 
Father Robert Hood by deed 13 July 1765 adj. Barttelot 
Anderson & Xathan Tatty. » 

May 17, 1786. — David Flenderson to Benj. B. PI ope of Louisa 100 
a. in Louisa & Hanover on Terrapin Branch. 

Dec. 5, 1786.— Isaih Haden & Ann, his wife, of St Paul to W ra 
Lumpkin 284 a. Hadin's Homestead South Anna. 

Feb. 14, 1788. — Isaiah Haden & Ann, his wife, of St Paul's to 
Richard Littlepage 247 a. Haden's homestead on South 
Anna River adj. Jas. Cross W m Lumpkin. 

July 11, 1786. — Xathan Holcomb to Peter Winn, (horses). 

Aug. 18, 1786. — Miles Hunter, Printer of Petersburg, Va. to 
Sarah Richardson (Mother to my late wife Sarah, 
, (negro.) 

Feb. 28, 1787. — Geo. Randall, of King W m Co. Merchant, of 
one part, Robert Hayes of Hanover, Merchant, of 2 nd 
part & Richard Squire Taylor of King William, & Thos. 
Ritson of Town of Norfolk, of 3 rd part whereas 260 a. 
in Richmond Co. &c. 

Oct. 11, 1786. — Martin Hawkins to W m Waddy "Homestead." 

Mar. 21, 1787. — John Plickslip of St Martin's & Sarah his wife 
to W m Stanley 200 a. on Locust Creek. 

Oct. I, 17S7. — Xelson Hundley to Elizabeth Hooper, where said 
Xelson Hundley & Sarah Hundley, his mother, now 

Oct. 7, 1790. — Chas. Hundley (with Bartelot Anderson) bond 
as Inspector of ware house. 

July 5, 1788. — Xancy X Hooper, Joseph Hooker & Lucy his 
wife, of Henrico, to Chapman Austin of Hanover 100 
a. in St Paul, south fork of Stag Creek — adj. Thos. 
White, Austin Morris, Edmund Taylor. 

William and Mary Quarterly 121 

June 6, 1787. — Micajah X Hogg & Martha his wife to Benj 
Howard both of St Paul 1707^ a. adj. Thos. Hooper, 
Elias White, Jas. Boatwright. 

Aug. 3, 1784.- — Mordecai Hill of Prince Edward to Charles Yea- 
mans 100 a. Branches of Beaver Dam creek adj. James 
Fontaine said land was sold by Joseph Wade dec d to 
Sam 1 Goodman dec d & by Goodman willed to his grand- 
son Mordecai Hill. 

May 3, 1784. — Mathew X Hill & Mary his wife to Jno Meredith 
70 a. adj. Elisha Hazelgroye, Hewelett's, Rob 4 Via. 
Edmund Wade, being land left the said Matthew Hill 
by his Father. 

July 1, 1784. — W m Johnson (with Rich d Chapman) bond as 

Jan. 30, 1787. — Nicholas Meriwether Johnson, of Hanover, to 
W m Johnson — negroes for security. 

Jan. 24, 1787. — Nicholas Meriwether Johnson, of town of New 
Castle, to Nicholas Syme, Esq., of New Castle 

Aug. 29, 1788. — W m Johnson, Esq., I st part, Mary Cobbs spinster 
, 2 nd part & Waddy Vine 3™ part. Marriage contract be- 

tween said W m Johnson & Said Mary Cobbs. 

Sept. 3, 1788. — Christopher Johnson & Owen Dabney to W m 
Ragland land in Louisa & Hanover adj. John Hooper, 
John Mayo up Taylor's Creek, adj. Dudley Diggs, David 

June 3, 1789. — Thos Johnson & Constantia his wife, of Henrico, 
to Pleasant Martain 2y a. on Turkey Hill, branch adj. 
Benj. Johnson. 

Oct. 6, 1785. — John Jones & Edith his wife of St Paul to Nathan 
Burnett 50 a. adj. Holliday's & Goodman on Brown's 

Mar. 25, 1788. — Elisha Meredith, exec tor of will of W m Jones 
of St. Paul, Gent. dec d (which will dated Nov. 20, 1787) 
of I st part, Jane Jones, widow of said W m Jones 2 nd part, 
& Robert King of King W m 3 d part, 281 a. on Pamunkey 
River, St Paul. 

122 William and Mary Quarterly 

June 4, 1789. — John Jones of St. Paul & Edy his wife to Nathan 
Burnett S/ ! / 2 a. 

Mar. 25, 1788. — Elisha Meredith, executor of W m Jones dec d & 
Jane Jones, Relict of said W m Jones dec d of St Paul, to 
James Blackwell no a. adj. Col. Burrell Bassett, Joseph 
Peace, McDougle, said Blackwell, Nathan Thompson, 
crossing Piping Tree road in Whiting Swamp upon 

June 4, 1789. — Laney Jones to Charles Tyler 15^ a. adj. Capt. 

Oct. 1, 1789. — W m Jones to James Carson 148 a. adj. Eggleston. 

Sept. 27, 1790. — W ra Jones to his son James Jones — Cattle &c. 

July 6, 1796. — Thos. Jackson of Louisa Planter & Ann, his 
wife, Nicholas Mills, of Hanover, planter, David Ander- 
son of Hanover Merchant & Elizabeth his wife, Ann 
Dinguid of Powhatan widow, W m Dinguid of Bucking- 
ham, merchant, & Lucy his wife, W ra Hogan of Louisa, 
Merchant & Mary his wife, & Ann Mills of Hanover, 
widow of Chas. Mills dec d app't W ra Anderson of Ameri- 
can Square, London, att'y. 

Oct. 15, 17S7. — Thos. Pleasant Johnson & Susan his wife to Am- 

V X brose Lipscomb 219 a. called "Ginger bread' r in St 

/\ Paul on Mrs. Tally's Branch Mr. S. Grantland, Mr. 

Cook's Shop, Air. Chapman, Mr. Chapman's Mill Creek. 

June 21, 1786. — John Keeling & Robert Burton & Agatha his wife 
of Granville Co., N. C. & Jno Thilman of Va. to Daniel 
Dejarnette of Middlesex on North Fork of Pamunkey, 
adj. Thos Nelson. 

Oct. 1, 1788. — John South worth & Sara his wife & W m King of 
Hanover to Rich d Littlepage of Hanover 60 a. formerly 
owned by Cuthbert Hudson Rowland adj. said Little- 
page, PettusJRagJand, said King & Jas. Cross. 

Nov. 3, 1789. — Robt. King of King W m to his son Robt. King, 
Jr. of Hanover 281 a. where s'd King, Jr. lives on 
Pamunkey river (formerly owned by W m Marck, Jr. 
in Blackwell's Neck.) 

William and Mary Quarterly 123 

Jan. 21, 1788. — W m Kersey & Kussey Kersey his wife to Jno. 
Bowles on Stony Run, adj. Jno. Bowles, Sr., Jno. Priddy, 
Jno. Snead, Sr., 100 a. (land given by Jno. Snead, Sr. 
father of Jno. Snead, Jr.) 

Aug. 23, 1788. — Jno Knight of Louisa & Eliz. his wife, to W m 
Harden 100 a. St Paul (same bought by Jno. Knight of 
Davis Johns.) 

Oct. 1, 1784. — Chas. Lewis of Hanover to Jas. Clarke 44 a. adj. 
Robt. Carter Page dec d & Jno. Clarke. 

Nov. 5, 1784. — Jno. Lawrence (with Trevilian, Geo. Clough, 
Edmond Taylor & Jno. Bumpass) bonds. 

Nov. 2, 1786. — Jno. Lawrence bond as Sheriff. 

Dec. 7, 1790. — YV m Lawrence & James Lawrence, exors. of Jno 
Lawrence dec d to Jno. Duke, Grist Mill on South Anna. 
1786. — YV m O. Winston, Ambrose Lipscomb, Thos. Tre- 
vilian & Isaac Winston justices. 

Dec. 11, 1783. — Sarah, wife of Robt Lawson, to Henry Fleet 
'•'whereas said Sarah owns 1/7 part of land lately in pos- 
session of Sarah Pierce, widow of Jno. Pierce dec d , wh. 
she is entitled as copartner of said John &c. 

Nov. 8, 1784. — Samuel Luck, Sr. of Spotsylvania & Mary his 
wife for love & affection to Sam 1 Luck of Hanover 125 
a. on Pamunkey, where the said Samuel & Mary Luck 
formerly lived. 

Dec. 4, 1790. — Larken Luck of Caroline Co. to Tarlton Luck of 
Louisa 120 a. adj. Isaac Winston, Xopher Shields, W m 

Jan. 19, 1791. — Tarleton B. Luck of Louisa & Crosbe Cassety, 
his wife to W m Gilliam 121 a. adj. Mason & Winston. 

Mar. 4, 1785. — John Lambeth of Hanover Co. to Chas. Carter 
of Chas. City y 2 a. where said Carter called "South 
Wales'' near South Ana (Anna?) Bridge. 

Apr., 1785. — Ambrose Lipscome — bond Inspector Page's Ware- 
1786. — Ambrose Lipscomb — justice. 

Dec. 9, 1785. — Susan Lemay, widow of Chas. Lemay dec d , Jno 
Lemay of Mecklenburg Co. & Christian, his wife, & 

124 William and Mary Quarterly 

Thos. Lemay (2 sons of Chas. Lemay dec d ) to Thos. 

Ellett 362 a. Coal Spring branch — Kineers — Mill. 
Dec. 5, 1785. — John Lemay of Mecklenburg & Thos. Lemay of 

Hanover to Jno. Street 5 a. land left them by will of 

their father Chas. Lemay & sold to Thos. Ellet on the 

South Side of Motidyqueen Creek, Chomakin Swamp. 
Apr. 8, 1774. — John Suthal (or Suttrell — or Sithernal) of N. 

Carolina & Susan his wife to John Huckster 200 a. 
Aug. 25, 1786. — James Littlepage to Jno. Carter Littlepage 

negroes. ' 

Mar. 29, 17S8. — Richard Littlepage & Ann his wife to Thos. 

Hooper, which said Littlepage bought .of W m Hanes. 
June 4, 1788. — W m Littlepage, W m Winston & Mary Ann his 

wife & Geddes Winston to Ann Sydnor 153 a. adj. 

Jno. Carter Littlepage & Benj. Thomson. 
June 28, 1789. — W m Littlepage to Jas. Pollard (negroes) Jno. 

Carter Littlepage app't Walter Davis his att'y in Ky. 
Apr. 21, 1790. — Richard Littlepage & Ann his wife to W m King 

— formerly owned by Cuthbert Hudson Littlepage. 
Oct. 7, 1790. — Carter Littlepage app'ts M r Walter Davis his att'y 
1 to transact business with Isaac Hite of Kentucky for 

20000 in Kentucky. 
Apr. 21, 1790. — Richard Littlepage & Ann his wife of Han- 
over to W m King 60 a. formerly owned by Cuthbert 

Hudson Rowland, & sold by Jno. Southworth & W rm 

King Oct. I, 1788 to said Littlepage. 
Oct. 15, t 1789. — Sarah Lacy, Elijah Lacy & Franky his wife of 

Goochland to Rev. Jno. Todd of Louisa for 1 shilling 

adj. Thos. Grant Michael Holland. 
June 2, 1788. — Johnson Lacy & Frances his wife of Goochland to 

Michael Anderson 119 a. Stone Horse Creek. 
Feb. 5, 1788. — Julius Lain 31 a. adj. y\ fm Row being land 

escheated by Sherwood & Julius Lane on Black Creek. 
Nov. 17, 1783. — Martin X Meeks & Marg't his wife to Ed. Byers 

1/3 of 2 a. a part of Mill site on Allen's Creek being 

willed by John Meeks dec d . 
June 4, 1783. — Jno. X Meeks & Elizabeth his wife of Louisa to 

Edw. Byars 67 a. Allen's Creek — River. 

William and Mary Quarterly 125 

Oct. 3, 1788.— Littleton X Meeks & Elizabeth his wife of North 
Carolina to Fred Bartlett 117 a. St Martins, Aliens 

Nov. 17, 1735. — Martin X Meeks & Margaret his wife to W m 
Hawes 50 acres on Allen's Creek adj. Edw. Bryers, 
Jas. Watson. 

Apr. 4, 1787. — Thos. Marks, May Marks, widow of Hasting 
Marks dec d of Louisa, Peter Marks of Albemarle, John 
Marks of Louisa, James Marks of State of Georgia 
& Elizabeth his wife, Hasting Marks of Albemarle, 
Samuel Marks of Albemarle & James Winston of 
Louisa & Sarah his wife of Hanover dec d "whereas 
Hasting Marks dec d by his will Nov. 5, 1761, left 144 
a. (adj. Thilman, Jas. AVingfield) to his wife for life, & 
after to his children & whereas Thos. Marks has bought 
out his brothers & sisters & the said Mary Marks is 
willing to give her interest to her said son. 

Dec. 7, 1786. — Thos. Marks of Hanover to John Lambeth 12 

acres taken from upper end of land s'd Marks bought of 

Edward & Judith Bass, formerly belonging to Code 

' Volalock adj. Matthews, Abbott, late Cornelius Dabney, 

Jno. Wingfield, Carter's. 

Nov. 4, 1788. — Hasting Marks (by W m Craghead of Lunenburg, 
his surviving ex r ) by his will left his wife Mary the home- 
stead 170 a. during his life, wh. right said Mary sold to 
W m Pollard, & all children, except James Marks & 
, Hasting Marks, who from remoteness of their situa- 
, tion could not come to Hanover C. H. 

Oct. 18, 1786.— W m Macon, of St Paul, to his son Thos. Macon 
700 a v near foot of great bridge, Chickahominy, White 
Swamp, Robt. Parker dec d . 

Dec. 22, 1785. — To W m Reynolds & Corbin Griffin, Gents, of 
York Co. Whereas Henry Mann & Jane his wife sold 
in 1785 to David Cochran a lot m New Castle (examine 

Nov. 4, 1787. — Jno. Mallory of Powhatan Co., to Jno. Burnett 
of Hanover 70 a. on Water of Matidequin adj. Jno. 

126 William and Mary Quarterly 

Meredith, dec d , & Mary Wright. Witness Hampton 
Wade & Jesse W T hite &c. 

May 22, 1792. — John Mallory & Sarah his wife of Hanover, St 
Martin, to Page Blunt 9 a. adj. Thos. Mallory, Page 
Blunt. Witness W m Lane, Frances & Nathan Blunt. 

Oct. 3, 1791. — W m Mansfield & Kate, his wife, of Louisa to Benj, 
Bowles, Chas. Anthony, Henry Stone. Witness, W m 

July 4, 1792. — W m Massie & Ann his wife of New Kent to 
Henry Tirnberlake (by survey of John Hawkins former 
surveyor of Hanover, 69 a. on Chickahominy it being 
Patent of Thos. Glass, who sold it to Gideon Macon 
(formerly of New Kent) & by him willed to his 
son John Macon, who sold it to W Tm Winston who sold 
800 a. of it to Patrick Belsches dec d who sold it to W m 
Massie on Chickahominy adj. Henry Tirnberlake & 
said Massie. 
1785. — David Mason of Granville Co., N. C. to W m Darri- 

June 17, 1785. — Jno. Matthews of Hanover to W m Quarles of 
Caroline ^2 acres. 

Nov. 29, 1785. — Jno. Matthews of St. Martin & Mary his wife 
to Thos. Anderson 2j a. being same willed by Edw r ard 
Matthews dec d to be divided between his said son Jno. 
& his brother James Matthews. 

June 17, 1785. — Jno. Matthews of Hanover to W m Quarles of 
Caroline ]/ 2 a. 

Nov. 29, 1785. — Jno. Matthews of St. Martin's. 

Jan. 1, 1788. — Neal McCormick of Hanover to Coningham 
Agnew Thompson & Co. of Richmond City, Va. 92 a. 
on Pamunkey (formerly Benj. Forsythe & by him 
deeded Aug. 10, 1786 to McCook. 

May 21, 1784. — Minor Mead (signed Minor Meed) of Hanover 
to Stephen Haynes 350 a. on Stag Creek (same willed 
to said Meed by his Father — adj. Rich d Winn, Cornelius 
Toler, Jno. Hicks, & Jno Mead. 

William and Mary Quarterly 127 

Apr. 2, 1786. — Jno. Meed & Elizabeth his wife of Hanover to 
Stephen flaynes 20 a. (a part of Homestead.) 

Sept. 25, 1786. — Jno. Meed & Elizabeth his wife to Lipscomb 
Moore 209 a. adj. Isaiah Haden, Jno. Butler & Stephen 

Mar. 25, 1788.— Elisha Meredith, St Paul. Ex. of W m Jones 
Gent., dec d & Jane Jones, widow of said W m Jones, 
to Robt King of St. Jno. Parish, King William Co. 
281 a., called Blackwell's Neck — Begin at Pond on 
Pamunkey, said Jones will Nov. 20, 1787 — wife & 

Nov. 25, 1788. — Elisha Meredith, Ex. of W m Jones dec d & Jane 
Jones, relict of same, to Jno. Blackwell, 110 a. on 
Whiting Swamp, Col. Burwell Bassett, Jas. Peace, 
McDongle, piping drain till it become swamp crossing 
Pipen tree road. Nathan Thompson, Crossing Pipen tree 
Swamp ; Witness, Jno. Warden, Rich d Chapman, Jno. 
B. Johnson, Jedediah Turner. 

July 24, 1785. — Jno. Meriwether to Alex Donald (slaves). 

May 13, 1772. — Jno. Meredith & Benj. Anderson, Gent., church 
wardens of St Paul Parish, place poor girl Alary Evans 
with Jno. Bridgewater. 

Aug. 4, 1785. — Thos. Meux & Agnes, his wife, of New Kent to 
W m Tally 660 a. (bought of W m Duvall) on Lucus 
Creek in Hanover & Louisa counties, reserving as per 
will of Mr, John Hawkin's dec d , Mrs. Hawkins her life 
interest. Witness Rich d Meux & George Meux. 

July 17, 1788. — Jno. Meux, of Mercer Co., app'ts Rich' 1 Little- 
page his att'y to sell lands in Botetourt Co. &c. Rich d ' 
Meux witness. 1, 1789. — Francis Mills & Agnes his wife to Claiborne Hall 
of Caroline 15 a. adj. said Mills. 

Oct. 25, 1787.— W m Mills to Francis Mills, both of Planover, 200 
a. Licking hole creek, Martin Roper dec d , Mills— -wit- 
ness Abram Fontaine, Chas. Mills, W m Sims, Nick 

Oct. 25, 1787.— W m Mills Sr. of Henry Co. to Abraham Fon- 

128 William and Mary Quarterly 

taine of Hanover 171 a. Licking hole creek, Frances 

Dec; 1, 1786. — Jno. Minor to his son W m Minor land on Pa- 

munkey 332 a. bought of Sam 1 Lemay & Peter Goodwin 

adj. Renbin Goodwin, Jas. Nelson, also tract in Caroline 

Co. on road leading from Chesterfield to New Market. 
Apr. 3, 1788. — Jno. Minor, Jr. to Mann Page lot in Hanover 

town of Page's warehouse. 
Apr. 17, 1790. — W m Minor & Mildred his wife to Reubin Good- 
win 221 a. in St Martin's adj. Fontaine, Jno. Minor, Jas, 

Oct. 4, 17S4.— W m Mitchell & Sarah his wife W m Childers & 

Frances his wife of Prince Edward, Robt. Flippen & 

Mary his wife of Amelia, to Robt. King 173 a. Little 

June 18, 1789. — Robert Flippen & Mary his wife to Robt., King 

173 a., Little River. 
June 18, 1789. — Jno. Mitchell & Unity, his wife, to Dabney, 

Tessoky branch, Taylor's Creek. 
Nov. 25, 1783. — Thos. Moore & Sarah his wife to Geo. Horseley 
' his wife 73 a. (said land willed to s'd Moore by his 

Feb. 19, 1787. — Thos. Nelson, Jr. & Lucy his wife of York Co. 

to Jno. Stanley of Planover 105 a. intersecting negroe 

foot road & Thos. Doswell's line, adj. Jno. & Obed. 

Stanley, Jno. Harris. Witness N. Berkeley, Jno. Minor, 

Jr. & Edmund Berkeley, Jr. 
May i8„ 1787. — Hugh Nelson & Judith his wife of Parish of 

York Hampton county of York to Benj. Forsythe of St. 

Martin 584 a. North side South Anna, Mouth of Taylor's 

creek, adj. Nathan' 1 Pope, Chas. Dabney. Witness Matt. 

Page, Thos. Ryland, Robt. Clough, 
Oct. 26, 1787. — Hugh Nelson & Judith his wife of York Co. to 

Nathan'l Page, Jr. 300 a. on Taylor's creek, adj. Peter 

Johnson, Benj. Forsythe, Chas. Dabney. 

William and Mary Quarterly 129 


. The Hanover Records as published were compiled by Rev. S. O. 
Southall, of Hanover C. H., Virginia. He makes the following cor- 

"I note in your magazine, Vol. XXI, No. 3, page 154, an omission that 
should be, I think, corrected. Possibly the fault is mine. The deed, Octo- 
ber, 1790, should be The administrators of Sir John Clay. However, I 
send you herewith a more complete abstract of the deed, that you may 
see how the title Sir is used, and aid me in determining what it means. 
'The decree of the High Court of Chancery,' referred to in the deed, 
can be seen (a copy) m 'The Clay Family' Wilson Club publication, page 
58; also in the Records of Chesterfield Deed Book, 8, page 175, which 
shows in a deed from Sir John Clay to John Watkins, that George Hudson 
married Elizabeth Jennings and had 

"1. Mary, married John Watkins. 

"2. Elizabeth, married Sir John Clay, late of Chesterfield, but now of 

"What do you make of it? It could not be a part of his name, for 
the name John Clay is used in the body of the instrument, and he. signs 
himself 'John Clay.' Remember this is the Rev. John Clay, father of 
Henry Clay, of Ashland. Several family records of the Clays in my pos- 
session, omitting this Sir John Clay, go back in tradition to another Sir 
John Clay the immigrant. It is all interesting to me, and I can find no 
solution to it. At any rate it is well to keep the records straight." 

This Indenture made this the 7th day of October in the year of our 
Lord Christ one thousand seven hundred and ninety Between Nathaniel 
Wilkinson surviving Executor of Sir John Clay deceased John Watkins 
and Mary his wifeof the one part and Henry Watkins of the other part 
Whereas by a Decree of the High Court of Chancery made on the thir- 
tieth day of November in the year of our Lord Christ one thousand 
seven hundred and eighty seven in a suit brought by the said Nathaniel 
Wilkinson and Richard Chapman since deceased Executors &c of the said 
John Clay deceased. George, John, Henry & Peter Clay sons and devisees 
of the said John Clay against the said John Watkins & Mary his wife, 
Henry Watkins and Elizabeth his wife and Augustine Etham it was 
ordered by the said court that four hundred & sixty four acres (the 
Land devised by the will of George Hudson and formerly in the occupation 
of the said John Clay) should be sold at Public auction to the highest 
bidder for the purposes mentioned in the said Decree, reference being 
thereunto had may fully appear, and whereas the said Nathaniel Wilkin- 
son and Richard Chapman Executors of the said John Clay deceased in 
pursuance of the said decree on the 4th day of December in the year of 

130 William and Mary Quarterly 

our Lord Christ 1788 having first advertised the same three weeks in one 
of the Virginia Gazettes did publickly expose the said Tract of land to 
sale to the biggest bidder in the manner directed by the said Decree, and 
the said Henry Watkins having bid the sum of four hundred and thirty 
two pounds thirteen shillings & a penny half penny for the said Tract of 
land the same was fairly struck out to him as the highest bidder for that 
sum it being the most that could be got for the same. Now therefore this 
Indenture witnesseth that the said Nathaniel Wilkinson surviving Execu- 
tor of the said John Clay deceased, John Watkins & Mary his wife in 
obedience to the said Decree and for and in consideration of the said sum 
of four hundred and thirty two pounds thirteen shillings & a penny half 
penny to the said Nathaniel Wilkinson and John Watkins or either of 
them in hand paid by the said Henry Watkins &c do sell to said Henry 
Watkins that tract of land in the county of Hanover and Parish of St. 
Paul on Machumps Creek containing by estimation four hundred and 
sixty four acres &c. 

Signed Nath 1 Wilkinson. 
John Watkins. 

William and Mary Quarterly 131 


Quarterly XXL 181- 193, 269-278. 
By the Editor. 

I have always regarded John 3 Stith, the father of Anderson 
Stith, as the son of John 2 Stith and Mary Randolph, but I don't 
know that there is any real evidence to that effect. There is 
some support of Dr. Johnston's view that he was son of Lt. Col. 
Drury 2 Stith in the fact of Robert Boiling and Anne, his wife, 
in the Prince George Records making a deed for land to Drury 
Stith, Jr.. in 1722, and one to John Stith, Jr., the following year 
(1723), describing the land as "adjoining the tract on which 
Drury Stith, Jr., lived." This proximity of estates would sug- 
gests a relationship of brothers rather than of cousins. 

Again, instead of Jane Hardaway being the daughter of John 1 
Stith, I think she was the daughter of Lt. Col. Drury 2 Stith, 
since the name Drury descends in Hardaway's family and her 
children were born too late to meet Dr. Johnston's requirements. 
Hardaway Family, Quarterly, XX., 216. 

Dr. Johnston thinks that John 3 Stith, who died in 1758, had 
other children besides Anderson Stith. From Brunswick County 
Deeds, I have this abstract: On June 24, 1756 "John Stith, of 
Charles City County, for natural love and affection, gives to 
Wiliam Stith of the same county his heir and assignee forever'' 
1078 acres on the north side of a creek in Brunswick Co., recorded 
June 28, 1756. Witness "Peter Eppes, Thomas Stith, Drury 
Stith, William Stroud." William Stith named in this deed was 
probably William Stith who married Martha Cowles, daughter 
of Thomas Cowles, of Charles City County. She married 2dly 
about 1772 Col. William Mead, of Bedford County. Quarterly 
X., 195; XVI, 140. 

Then Richard Stith, surveyer of Bedford County, to whom 
Col. Mead was deputy, was perhaps another son of John Stith 
of Charles City County, father of Anderson Stith. In 1758 

132 William and Mary Quarterly 

he was a justice of the peace for Bedford County, and in 1772, 
though still a resident of Bedford, he wrote a letter to the Presi- 
dent and Master's of William and Mary College regarding his 
surveyor's bond. Quarterly, XVI., 163. 

There were two other John Stiths living after the death of 
John Stith, father of Anderson Stith, one of whom may have been 
another son. There was Captain John Stith of Baylor's Dra- 
goons, whose wife, Lucy, died at Wilton, in Henrico Co., in 
1780, and John Stith, whose wife Rebecca died at Westbury, in 
Charles City, the residence of Col. Little'bury Cocke, in April of 
the same year. 

Besides the daughter, who is believed to have married Booth 
Armistead, of Elizabeth City County, John Stith seems to have 
had another daughter, Anne Stith, who married William West- 
wood, of the same county, and had a son, John Stith Westwood, 
who was born in 1766. Quarterly, IX., 131. Probably another 
daughter married John Hardyman, as he had a son named Stith, 
who married Rachel Tyler (born about 1746), sister of Gov. John 
Tyler, Sr. Quarterly, V., 273 ; XL, 27-49. Stith Hardyman. 
John Hardyman's son, was an officer in the Revolution. 

Dr. Johnston certainly errs in saying that John 4 Stith, son of 
Lt. Col. Drury 3 Stith, died "unmarried." He married before 1767 
Anne Wray, daughter of Capt. George Wray, of Hampton and 
Helen Walker, his wife, but he had no children. Quarterly, 
XVIII., 291. His wife survived him, and her will dated Aug. 
20, 1806, and recorded in King George Co., divides her property 
between /the Wrays and the Stuarts. Quarterly, X., 185. 

What Stith was it that was a 3rd husband of Elizabeth Bray, 
a lady who established a free school in Smithrield in 1753, and 
died in 1774. She married I. Arthur Allen, of Surry, who died 
in 1725, then II. Arthur Smith, Jr., of Isle of Wight, who died 

in 1755 and III. Stith. If Mr. Stith was as old as his wife 

he must have been born circa 1700. Quarterly, V., 113; VII., 
266, 267. 

Who was William Stith', who in 1756 married Katherine 
Stith, daughter of Col. Drury 4 Stith (See Quarterly, XXL, p 

189) . 

William and Mary Quarterly 133 

Who was Griffin Stith, who in 1826 is sooken of in Quar- 
terly, X., 179, as representing his deceased wife, Mary Alex- 
ander, daughter of Gerard Alexander and Jane Ashton, his wife. 
On page 63 of the same volume (X.) it is stated that William 
Black married Griffin Stith's widow, which could not be, as 
Black died long before. It seems probable that William Black, 
who had two wives, married first Anne Dent Alexander, aunt of 

Griffin Stith's wife, and second Frances , named in his 

will.- Black's will was proved in Chesterfield County in 1782. 
Names his wife Frances; daughter Frances Taylor Black; gives 
his Falls Plantation to his grandson William Black, son of Wil- 
liam Black, at the age of 21 ; daughter Ann Dent Hardyman. 
Witnesses George Evans, John Beckley, Hugh Hill. 

Major John Hardaway married, it is said, Mariana Stith 
in 1775. Who was she? Quarterly, IL, 141. 

134 William and Mary Quarterly 


Communicated by Dr. J. Hall Pleasants, Baltimore, Md. 


Jacob Hall emigrated to Pennsylvania in the year 1684-5 from 
Macclesfield, Chester County, England. He first settled in Buck's 
County, bringing with him 12 servants. He is said to have been 
a friend of William Penn. Moved to Tacony, Philadelphia 
County about 1691. In 1693 he was appointed Justice or Judge of 
the County Court. Flis will, dated September 29, 1699, and proved 
October 28, 1700, refers to the testator as "gentleman." Fie 
married in England Mary Charlesworth. He left three sons and 
one daughter. 

Joseph Hall, 2nd son of the above was born February 11, 
1686-7. Ke was an extensive land holder and is referred to vari- 
ously as planter, malster and tanner. Fie was a vestryman of 
Trinity Church, Oxford. He married about 1707 Rebecca 
(born November g, 1688), daughter of Thomas Rutter and his 
wife Rebecca Staples. Joseph Hall's will was probated June 
17, 1731. He left 12 children, 4 sons and 4 daughters of whom 
married and left descendants. Children — 


1. Joseph Hall; born about 1707; died 1743- 1749; married Mary 

Fisher, January 18, 1733. (q. v.) 

2. Theodore Hall, probably born ante 1710; died ; mar- 

ried Gertrude Goodwin April 29, 1729. (q. v.) 

3. Thomas Hall; living 1729; d. s. p. ante 1742-3. 

4. Jacob Hall; born ante 1720; died 1783-1785 ; married 1st, 

Mary Parry, ante 1739; 2nd, Harmina (Dorland) Wood 
April 3, 1768. (q. v.) 

5. John Hall: born ante 1722; died 1798 ( ?) ; married Sarah 

Parry, May 28, 1747. (q. v.) 

6. Charlesworth Hall; born 1729-1730; died ante 1742-3. 

William and Mary Quarterly 135 


7. Rebecca Hall; born 1709; died July 1, 1785; married 1st 

Isaac Leech who died December 10, 1744. (q. v.) 2nd 
Rev. Richard Treat, (q. v.) 

8. Susanna Hall; born 1717-1718; died July 2, 1795; married 

1st Joseph Harvey, January 18, 1733, who died two or 
three years later; no issue. 2nd John Rush, ante 1743. 
who died 1751. (q. v.) 3rd, Richard Morris about 1755, 
who died 1771 ; no issue. 

9. Sarah Hall; born 171 7- 171 8; died July 30, 1760; married 

Rev. Samuel Finley, September 26, 1744, who died 1766. 
(q. v.) 

10. Hannah Hall; born ante 1727; died ante 1743. 

11. Ruth Hall; born ante 1727; died 1794; married 1st, Dr. 

Elisha Hall May 27, 1746. (q. v.) ; 2nd, Rev. James 
Hunt, ante 1768. (q. v.) 

12. Mary Hail; born — ; died ante 1743. 

Descendants of Ruth Hall. 

Ruth Hall 3 (Jacob 1 Joseph 2 ), daughter of Joseph and Rebecca 
(Rutter) Hall was apparently the youngest of four daughters 
who reached maturity. She married May 27, 1746, at Trinity 
Church, Oxford, Philadelphia County, Dr. Elisha Hall of Mount 
Welcome, Cecil County, Maryland. He was a son of Elihu Hall 
(1692-1753) of Mount Welcome and his wife Sarah Harrison, 
Maryland, and a grandson of Richard Hall, of Calvert County, 
Maryland. Dr. Elisha Hall is said to have been born in 1729; 
d. 1757, but this is improbable as he is known to have been mar- 
ried in 1746, which would make him only seventeen at the time 
of his marriage and therefore several years younger than his 
wife. Dr. Elisha Hall after his marriage continued to live in 
Maryland. As far as is known the families of Elisha Hall and 
his wife, Ruth Hall, were entirely distinct. Elisha Hall's will 
proved, Cecil Co. Nov. 30, 1757. 

Children of Elisha and Ruth Hall — 

1. Elihu Hall (eldest by father's will); born 1752; died 
1808; married 1774 Mildred Ball, daughter of 

136 William and Mary Quarterly 

of Virginia. The following statements are said 

to refer to this man, but have not been confirmed. He 
lived in Winchester, Va. He is said to have left two 
sons, Elihu Hall and Elisha Hall, the latter is said to 
have married Mary Matthews Brooke. There appear to 
have been three daughters for in 1812 a Maria T. Hall 
writes to Dr. Benjamin Rush from Winchester, Va., 
(Rush MSS. Ridgeway Library, Phila.), stating that her 
sister, Mrs. Jordan had just died and that she and her 
mother was then living with Mr. Jordan. She adds that 
since the death of her father in 1808, her mother's 
brother-in-law, Dr. Elisha Hall, of Fredericksburg, had 
done nothing to help her. Issue : 
i. Elihu H. Hall. 
ii. Elisha J(ohn?) Hall. 

iii. Hall (a dau.) mar. Jordan, of Winches- 
ter, Va. 

iv. Hall (a daughter, died 1S14, in child-bed), name 

of husband unknown. 
v. Maria T. Hall, unmar., 1812. 

2. 'Joseph Hall ; born ; died 

3. Dr. Elisha Hall, son of Elisha and Ruth Hall is said to 
have been born in 1754. He appears to have lived in 
Fredericksburg, Virginia, and to have practiced medi- 
cine there. He married Caroline Carter, the daughter 
of Charles Carter, of Cleve, on the Rappahannock River. 
, Virginia. Issue : 
• i. Benjamin Harrison Hall, M. D., born 178 1 ; moved to St. 
Louis, Missouri ; married Lucy Fitzhugh. Issue. 
Lucy Hall, married Samuel Simon of St. Louis, and 
she had issue, Harrison, Elizabeth Hall, Mary Rush, 
Caroline, Lucy, Lester, and Albert Simon. 
ii. John Byrd Hall, born 1787; died 1862. Married Har- 
riet Stringfellow, of Fredericksburg, Virginia. Issue 
(1) Mary, mar. Wm. Gillespie; (2) Charlotte, mar. 
Robert Pleasants Hall, of St. Louis; (3) Julia, mar. 
William Dickson Henry, of Virginia and Chester Co., 

William and Mary Quarterly 137 

S. C, issue Major Robert Randolph Henry C. S. A., 
born 1843; (4) Horace Byrd, mar. Alvera Stuart; 
(5) Albert; (6) Harrriet ; (7) Richard Rush mar. 
1st, Lucy Baskerville and 2nd, Maria Carter Worm- 
ley; (8) Maria C, mar. W. S. Watkins, of Petersburg, 
Va. ; (9) Harriet E. ; (10) Charles Carter; (11) 
Franklin; (12) John Marshall; (13) Caroline, mar. 
Herbert A. Claiborne, of Richmond, Va. 
iii. Sophie Pleasants Hall married Wm. Gregory of St. 

Louis ; issue Charles Rush Gregory. 
iv. Maria Carter Hall, married 1st William Wormley 2nd 
Dr. W. S. Caldwell, by whom she had issue: (1) John 
Caldwell; (2) Dr. Carter Caldwell; (3) William S. 
Caldwell, married Eliza Ann Breckenridge, of Ken- 
tucky. Issue; (4) Sophia Caldwell, married Thomas 
Dean, of New York: Issue. 
v. Charles Rush Hall, born 1793 ; married Louisa Ouarles ; 
issue (1) Elisha Byrd; (2) Charles (3) Harriet, mar- 
ried John Lewis; (4) Martha, married 1st William 
Byrd, 2nd Wm. Scott; (5) Sophia P., married Tevis, 
1 of Canada; (6) Robert Pleasants, married Charlotte 

Carter Hall. 
vi. Eliza Ann Hall. 
4. Richard Hall, son of Elisha and Ruth Plall, is said to 
have married Sophia Wilmot. The following state- 
ments are unconfirmed. He is said to have owned an 
estate on the Rappannock River, to have been somewhat 
of a rover and to have contracted debt. Pie got into a 
dispute with his first cousin, Dr. Benjamin Rush, of 
Philadelphia in conection with the estate of his brother, 
Dr. John Plall, of which Rush was an executor and 
wrote several threatening letters to Rush, in which 
Hall appears to have been in the wrong (see Rush MSS. 
Ridgeway Library, Philadelphia). Issue (unconfirmed) 
(1) Richard Wilmot Hall; (2) William Wilmot Hall; 
(3) Elizabeth Lee Hall, married Rev. J. R. Hubbard, of 
Winchester, Va. 

138 William and Mary Quarterly 

5. Dr. John Hall is said to have been the youngest son 
of Elisha and Ruth Hall. He married Eliza Ann Bay- 
nard, of Hilton Head, Va., who appears to have died 
before her husband. He seems to have been a man of 
considerable property and at one time practiced medi- 
cine in Virginia. During the Revolution he is said to 
have been a surgeon on 'Washington's staff. Tradition 
says that he was Washington's family physician. He 
died January 25, 1801, apparently in Philadelphia, Dr. 
Benjamin Rush being one of his executors under his 
will dated September 21, 1800. In this will he mentions 
the 'fact of 22,000 acres in South Carolina. Issue one 
son, Baynard Rush Hall said to have been born in 179S 
and to have died in 1863. He is said to have been a 
Presbyterian clergyman in Brooklyn at one time. He 
is known to have kept a school called a Classical and 
Mathematical Institute at Rose Hill, Newburgh, N. Y., 
May 12, 1849. 

6. Elizabeth Harrison Plall. 

Ruth Hall married secondly the Rev. James Plunt. The date 
of ithis marriage is not known. He kept a school in Mont- 
gomery County, Maryland, at his place called "Tusculum." 
Hunt was a graduate of Princeton and was a Presbyterian clergy- 
man, having charge of a church near Rockville from 176 1 to the 
time of his death June 2, 1793. William Wirt, the Attorney 
General of the United States, attended Hunt's school from 1783 
to 1787 and has left an interesting picture of him in his diary 
(see Memoirs of the Life of William Wirt, by John P. Kennedy, 
i860; also Wirt's Letters of the British Spy, 10th edition, 1832 — 
biographical sketch). He states that Hunt was a man of culti- 
vated mind, liberal study and philosophic temper and that he 
was kindly indulgent and sympathetic. t He had a good library. 
Wirt adds that Hunt ''in his suit of black velvet was quite a 
stately and graceful person." His will, dated Dec. ig, 1785, was 
proved Dec. 28/95. 

Ruth (Hall) Plunt died prior to August 7, 1794, as is shown 
by a letter from her son, Wm. P. Hunt, to his aunt Mrs. Susanna 

William and Mary Quarterly 139 

Morris, mother of Dr. Benj. Rush, of this date in which he 
refers to the death of both his parents as apparently recent occur- 
rences. No will or administration on her estate has been found 
in Montgomery County. 

Children of the Rev. James Hunt and Ruth (Hall) (Hall) 

1. James Green Hunt, born ; died ante 1797. Studied 

law with Governor Randolph before 1788 and 

was practicing law in South Carolina in that year. 
Whether he married and left issue or not is unknown, 
but from the fact that his half-brother, Richard Hall, 
asked permission to administer on his estate as one of 
heirs indicates that he probably died without issue. 

2. William Pitt Hunt, born ; died before September 

12, 1797, when reference is made in the Montgomery 
County records to a will filed elsewhere. A letter from 
his father to Dr. Benjamin Rush, dated March 24, 1788, 
refers to him as an assistant in the Hampden-Sidney 
College Lottery of 17S7, and states that he was study- 
ing law at the time of writing. He was living at Mont- 

, gomery Court House, Maryland, August 7, 1794, as is 
shown by a letter from him to Dr. Benjamin Rush of 
this date. Issue: 

i. James Watkins Hunt,* living August 7, 1794, subse- 
quent history unknown. 

ii. Ruth Hunt,* living August 7, 1794. 

iii. Thomas P. Hunt,* born after August 7, 1794, living- 
August 7, 1794. 

iv. Wm. Hunt,* born after August 7, 1794, living August 
7> 1794- 

*A Montgomery County deed, dated June 12, 1798, from Samuel B. 
Magruder and wife shows that the four above mentioned children were 
living June 12, 1798. 

140 William and Mary Quarterly 


Marnix Family. — "I find that a Benjamin Francis Marnix 
married Sarah E. Bailey, daughter of John Bailey and Amanda 
Kerby, of James City Co., Va., daughter of Col. Bennett Kerby, 
of whom Dr. B. W. Green writes in your magazine. ... I 
learn also, through Mr. Thomas R. Rowland, that John Marnix 
was a native of Gloucester Co., Va., and married Jemima Car- 
raway, of Bermuda. He was a sea captain out of the port of the 
West Indies about 1770 or 1776. They had two children, Mar- 
garet and Fanny. Margaret married William Willoughby and 
Fanny married William Camp. There is a tomb of a Marnix in 
Bruton churchyard, Williamsburg, bearing the motto of Philip 
Marnix, the special friend of William The Silent Prince of 
Orange." — Annie E. Marnix, 211 Buena Vista Place, Memphis, 
Tenn. In the register of Abingdon Parish, Gloucester Co., the 
following entries occur: Mary, the daughter of John and Mary 
Marnix, baptized April y e 11 th 1725; Munford, son of John and 
Mary Marnix, baptized February y e 22nd, 1729; Hugh Marnix 
& Elizabeth March were married November y e 4 th , 1732; Edward, 
the son of John and Mary Marnix, was baptized May y e 2 d , 
1736; Elizabeth, the daughter of Hugh & Eliz : Marnix baptized 
Jan y 8 th , 1737 (38) ; Edward, the son of John & Mary Marnix, 
was baptized April 23, 1738; Jane, of John and Mary Marnix, 
borne Jan'y 5, 1742-3; Abraham Vincent (married) to Eliza- 
beth Marnix, December 22, 1744; Eliz., daughter of John and 
Mary Marnix, borne July 25, 1745; Mary, daughter of John & 
Mary Marnix, borne June y e 8 th , 1747; John, son of Thos. & 
Mildred Marnix born Sep r 4 th , 1748; John, son of John & Mary 
Marnix born May 15, 1749; Ann, daughter of Thomas and 
Mildred Marnix, baptized Sep'r 2, 1750; Milky, daug r of Thomas 
Marnix born June 13 th , 1753; Mary, daugh 1 " of John and Mary 
Marnix died Feb 23 d 1758; John Marnix died March y e 3 d 1758: 
Thomas, son of Thomas & Mary Marnix baptized March 22 d 
1 761. It is probable that John Marnix's wife, Mary, was a 
daughter of Edward Munford, of Abingdon Parish, as two of the 

William and Mary Quarterly 141 

children were named Edward and Munford, a conincidence that 
could hardly have been accidental. — Editor. 

Berry. — "In Thomas Berry's will, probated in the early part 
of the 19th century, he mentions his three sons, Washington 
Berry, John Berry, and Lawrence Berry, who was clerk of King 
George for 35 years, his grandson, John Thornton Augustine 
Washington Berry. His residence was called 'Berry Place/ 
Who was his wife?" — Miss Alice E. Trabuc, 1409 St. James, 
Louisville, Kentucky. 

Dicges. — "William Digges and his wife, Judith Haley, Quak- 
ers, went with their family from Virginia (some say Hanover 
County) to Carolina. They had Marshall, Pleasant, John, Wil- 
liam, Sarah (wife of Thomas Ratliffe), Agnes ( wife of Samuel 
Everett) and Rebecca (Moorman). William Digges son of 
William Digges, married in Carolina Sarah Crew and removed 
to Indiana about 1820. Their children were: Littleberry, John, 
Mark, Armsbee, Benjamin, William, Fanny (Wray), Ann 
(Moorman) and Margery (Wright). Descendants of these are 
in Indiana and Illinois, and a record of them may be found in 
the 'Digges — Digges Family/ a manuscript by W. S. Digges, of 
Cincinnati. The father of the William Digges, first mentioned is 
said to have been one Marshall Digges."- — Mrs. L. C. Digges, 
4510 Michigan Ave., Los Angeles, California. 

Bishop of London's Gift. — "In an old letter from my ances- 
tor, John Norton, of London, I find the following: 'Sept. 25, 1773, 
Mr. Davis got here the day before Public Ordination, and though 
late the Bishop was so obliging on a letter I wrote him (setting 
forth the reason of his late application) did ordain him and wrote 
me a genteel letter on the occasion, desiring me to forward a 
Bible and Prayer Book for the College, which I shall comply 
with/ " — /. K. M. Norton, Alexandria, Virginia. Rev. Thomas 
Davis was a student of the college, and after his ordination served 
as minister in various parishes of Virginia. 

142 William and Mary Quarterly 


Hon. John Blair, Jr. An address by Henry T. Wickham, Esq., of Vir- 
ginia, delivered at a special session of the United States Circuit 
Court of Appeals for the Third Circuit held at Philadelphia, Penn- 
sylvania, Tuesday, May 6, 1913, on the occasion of the presentation 
in behalf of the Virginia Bar Association of a portrait. 
This excellent sketch is worthy of its author, who is highly respected 
in Virginia for his character as a lawyer and a public man. John Blair, 
Jr., the subject of Mr. Wickham's sketch, while not a man of the first 
order of ability, was a safe and conscientious judge. He acted an im- 
portant part in the history of the country both before and after the 
American Revolution. Among the minor offices held by him not men- 
tioned, as I believe, by Mr. Wickham, was that of Bursar of the College. 

The Lomax Family: Chicago. Rand McNally & Company. 1913. 
This account of the Lomax Family, with its allied families, is very 
carefully written and may be considered authoritative. The table of con- 
tents is as follows: 1. Origin, Name and Family; II. Genealogy of the 
Virginia Family of Lomax; III. Extracts from a Family Bible; IV. 
Sketches of the Rev. John Lomax, of North Shields, Northumberland 
County, England, and Some of His Descendants from 1637 to 1912; V. 
Mention of the Families of Wormeiey, Lunsford, Micou, Roy, Corbin, Elton- 
head, Tayloe, Plater, Burford, Wilkinson, Addison, Tasker, Griffin, Gvvinn, 
Thornton, Savage, Presley, Lindsay, Payne, Wellford, Randolph, Isham 
and Yates; VI. Sketch of Sir Thomas Lunsford; VII. Sketch of the 
Hon. John Tayloe; VIII. Old Octagon House and the Old Menokin 
Manor; IX. Fredericksburg, Virginia; X. Rosegill ; XI. Northumberland 
House, Mount Airy and Port Micou ; XII. Port Tobago. The account 
is pretty well free from the exaggerated style in which genealogies are 
often written. 

The Andersons, of Gold Mine, Hanover County, Virginia. By Edward 
L. Anderson, of Cincinnati, Ohio. 
This little brochure tells of the ancestry and services, especially of 
Lt. Col. Richard Clough Anderson, who attained much distinction in the 
War of the Revolution. He was father of Major Robert Anderson, of 
Fort Sumter fame ; and his first wife was a sister of the celebrated George 
Rogers Clark, conqueror of the Northwest. 

The Life of Thaddeus Stevens. By James A. Woodburn, Indianapolis. 

The Bobs Merrill Company, publishers. See notice of this work 

in Quarterly, XXII, page 71. The following comments have since 

come to hand : 

From Col. William Winston Fontaine (a great-grandson of Patrick 

Henry), Jackson, Mississippi : "I read with much pleasure your review of 

William and Mary Quarterly 143 

Woodbum's 'Life of Thaddcus Stevens,' and very heartily commended 
each clause. As the years go by Johnson's vetoes and magnanimity to 
the South will be more highly appreciated by those who know how we, 
Confederate soldiers, at one time denounced him. I was a prisoner of war 
at Johnson's Island when Lincoln was assassinated ; and most of us thought 
that now, Lincoln being dead, Johnson would, as President, wreak his 
wrath upon us for the insults that he had received. But Johnson was a 
braver and stronger man than Lincoln. The fanatics of the North de- 
manded the punishment of the South ; and I have always believed that 
Lincoln, after a show of reluctance, would have yielded to this demand 
and allowed these people to have their way even to the bitter end. John- 
son's Southern manhood revolted against this treatment of a brave people, 
placed at the mercy of its foes, and he endeavored to interpose his shield. 
This I do not think the timid Lincoln would have done." 

From the distinguished writer and author, Philip Alexander Bruce, 
LL. D. : "I was particularly interested in the views which you expressed, 
and I am very familiar with 'Gideon Well's Diary,' having studied it for 
a review for the North American Review, and found it almost revolu- 
tionary in its illumination of the period which it covers. The impression 
which it left on me was one highly favorable to Johnson, who, I am con- 
vinced, will in time rise to a higher place in the esteem of American his- 
torical students. He appeared the only statesman and patriot in that 
fearful welter of Reconstruction at Washington." 


iiillinm anb flBar^ College 

<&uarterl\> tbfetorical flDaga3tne. 

Vol. XXII. JANUARY, 1914. No. 3. 


In the last issue of the Magazine was a short account of the Halls 
of Tacony, Philadelphia County, Pennsylvania. John Hall 3 (born 1722: 
died 1798?) and Sarah Parry had a son, Rev. Thomas Hall, 4 who was a 
most interesting character. He was born in 1750. He took the degree 
of Bachelor of Arts at the College of Philadelphia in 1768 and Master 
of Arts in 1773. He appears to have taken orders in England and to have 
returned to America in 1774, not long before the Revolution, to take 
charge of an important parish in Virginia. He took an active part 
in the preliminary stages of the American Revolution. But his love 
for the British Union was too great for him to approve the actual seces- 
sion of the American Colonies. Before the close of the Revolution he 
left Virginia and never returned to America, although he never ceased 
protesting most ardent love for his native land, and in one of his letters 
confessed his mistake in not adopting the course pursued by it. He 
served for some time as minister of an important church at Bristol, Eng- 
land, and afterwards became Chaplain to the British colony at Leghorn 
and remained there until his death. His letters describing conditions in 
Italy during the Napoleonic wars are most interesting and are well worthy 
of publication. He was a well known art collector and dilettante. His 
descendants are still living in Florence, Italy. 

The' Rev. Thomas Hall had a large acquaintance in Virginia, and 
several members of his family and the Maryland family of Halls went to 
Virginia probably induced by him. Among these were his cousins, 
Dr. Jacob Hall, 4 * son of Jacob 3 and Mary (Parry) Hall, who was tutor 
in the family of Gen. Thomas Nelson, and afterwards, although he always 
remained an ardent Episcopalian, was the President of the first Methodist' 
College — Cokesbury College in Maryland, named after the two Methodist 
Bishops, Coke and Asbury ; Dr. Elisha Hall, of Fredericksburg, who married 
Caroline Carter, daughter of Charles Carter, of Cleves ; Elihu Hall, who 

* See biographical sketch of Dr. Jacob Hall in Maryland Historical 
Magazine, Vol. VIII., p. 217-235. 

146 William and Mary Quarterly 

married Mildred Ball, of Virginia, and lived in Cecil County, Maryland, 
and later in Richmond County, Virginia; and Dr. John Hall, who prac- 
tised in Virginia for a while and served as surgeon on Washington's 
staff. The three last named were sons of Elisha Hall, of Maryland, and 
his wife, Ruth Hall, 3 of the Tacony family. 

In Tassenari's History of the English Church in Florence, we are 
told of a singular act of bravery on the part of Rev. Thomas Hall. When 
Napoleon marched upon Leghorn in 1803, the English residents, taking 
as much of their property as they could, sailed away, with few exceptions. 
Napoleon who intended their arrest was greatly disappointed, and it is 
said that he entertained the barbarous idea of destroying the English 
cemetery. But when Mr. Hall declared that only over his dead body 
should the cemetery be entered, he desisted. Napoleon pointing to the 
cemetery is reported to have said : "Voila ces fiers insulaines, fiers meme 
dans la mort." 

• Mr. Hall died at Leghorn April 12, 1825. He was a kinsman of the 
celebrated Dr. Rush, and there are in the Ridgeway Library in Phila- 
delphia some forty letters from Mr. Hall to Dr. Rush containing very 
interesting information. For a copy of those letters printed below, the 
Editor is indebted to Dr. J. Hall Pleasants, of Baltimore : 


June 28 th 1783. 
Doctor Rush 
My dear Friend & Kinsman, 

To have suffered an unhappy difference in political opinions, 
or an absence of seven years, to prejudice you against me, who 
have been a long time accustomed to regard you as a Pole-star 
in our Family, would have strongly militated against the high 
idea, that the literary world at large, as well as every individual 
that has the honor to be rank'd in the number of your acquaint- 
ance, had justly entertained of your extensive abilities, libera* 
sentiments, & knowledge of the human heart. Were all my' 
Country-men of similar Characters, the necessity of making an 
apology for my conduct, would have been superseded ; — but as 
J too well know, that littleness of soul & barrenness of sense & 
sentiment, mark many Characters amongst you, it may not be 
amiss to sketch out, not only my motives for taking the part I did. 
but my subsequent conduct. — Being born a freeman I claimed the 
sacred privilege of thinking & judging for myself — The original 

William and Mary Quarterly 147 

contest certainly was — whether the Americans would submit to 5c 
taxed like slaves, or act like Freemen, in ascertaining their rights ; 
— and as far, & as long — as the latter was the sole object of my 
Countrymen — I went with them ; — but when it appeared to me 
that the contest was changed from the original ground — to — 
Who should rule & govern? — and who submit & serve? whether 
this form of government, or that was best? When restless ambi- 
tion & a desire of change, appeared to have taken full possession 
of those bosoms, which at first swelled with Patriotism, & glowed 
with an honest zeal for the public good ; — I confess I made a 
pause, & at length determined that 1 would have nothing to do 
in effecting a revolution, which I conceived to be pregnant with 
the most direful ills ; but at the same time, resolved never to op- 
pose directly or indirectly, the general pursuit ; to which, I can 
say with safety I have scrupulously adhered, both before, & 
since my leaving America — so far have I been from taking a de- 
cided part, \v l the British Government — that I have never even 
applyed or received — one single farthing — from the Government 
— nor ever intended — tho' frequently urged both by necessity — 
& the intreaties of my friends. — To my right or private judg- 
ment, you will readily grant your suffrage, — but that — that Judg- 
ment was wrong, — I am free to acknowledge: Towards making 
some attonement for my error, my conduct towards my Country- 
men, my attention to them, my readiness at all times to serve 
them, to relieve them from difficulties, or administer to their 
necessities, wheresoever I meet them in my travels, will I flatter 
myself bear ample testimony in my favor. I beg your pardon for 
troubling you so much, about that which may be of no conse- 
quence — viz. what I did or thought; — But it is no small relief to 
me, thus to unbosom myself to a man whom I love & esteem. 
I have written to you & to many of my Philadelphia Relations 
& Friends very frequently; from most of the places of Conse- 
quence, through which I have rambled — & am grieved to find 
that not a single letter has been fortunate enough to reach you, 
or any of them ; nearly the same fate, yours & theirs have met 
with, in endeavouring to reach me — two only from you, & one 

148 William and Mary Quarterly 

from my Sister Molly, came to hand ; save those which were de- 
livered me by our truly amiable Country-man M r Hallf — I am 
much obliged to you for bringing me acquainted with a Young 
Gentleman, w* such sweet easy manners & disposition, & so culti- 
vated & improved a mind. — M r Grenville Sharp has introduced 
& recommended him to the particular care & attention of a M r 
Baynham, Surg n an American, of Distinguish* merit, with whom 
I am in the greatest habit of Friendship — This Gentleman has 
placed him in the most commodious situation for walking the 
Hospitals ; and as I have left London to reside in Bristol, he has 
promised me, on that account, to pay double attention to our 
Country-man. Your solicitations, in your last & former letters, 
for my return to my Native Country — I take as the plainest tokens 
of your unalterable attachment, & benevolent disposition, towards 
every branch of your family — In how many instances, your good- 
ness & generosity has appear'd, — With what pleasure could I 
mention ; — did I not hazzard the wounding your delicacy, by giv- 
ing way to my own feelings. At present I am not competent to 
judge — what plan I ought to pursue. — the Chaplaincy to the 
British factory of Leghorn is vacant, & I have been for some time 
past soliciting it of the several members residing at Leghorn ; — 
it is' a place of considerable emolument & a post of honour: — I 
at present receive one hundred pounds Ster. g. p. r an. for acting 
as an Executor to a considerable estate, of an American, whom I 
accompanied to Lisbon, on our way to Virginia — Besides this, I 
officiate as a Curate in one of the principal Churches in Bristol. 
These then are the prospects on one hand. — On the other — the 
heart-felt satisfaction of once more embracing my dear Relatives 
& Friends ; & contributing to the prosperity of that Land that 
gave me birth, are & will ever be powerful motives to urge my 
return — Interest draws me one way — affection — another. I hope 
in a short time to be able to resolve you. My duty to Aunt 
Morris* — best respects to your Lady, Brother & Sisters. Y ra 

T. Hall. 

IThis is Dr. James Hall (1762-1793), of the Maryland family of 
Hall, who was at one time a partner of Benjamin Rush but later moved to 

* "Aunt Morris" was Susanna Hall, 3 mother of Benjamin Rush, who 
married as her third husband Richard Morris. 

William and Mary Quarterly 149 

Leghorn, Jan y 30th 1784. 
Dear Kinsman, 

On the 12th of Octob r I left London, and after a very agree- 
able Journey of six weeks I arrived at Leghorn. The route 1 
took was through Paris, Lyons, Chamber i in Savoy, Turin & 
Genoa — whatever merited attention I did not overlook — In cross- 
ing the Alps, particularly Mount Senis, I suffered extremely — 
it snow'd, hailed, rained & blow'd alternately as If Satan himself 
had been indeed permitted this day to have been Prince of the air 
— Never did any poor mortal feel more sensibly the effects of 
cold, — for seven hours, which is the usual time spent in passing 
it : — In ascending & descending this mountain one experiences 
alternately the four seasons of the year. — To give you even a 
sketch of my travels would savour too much of vanity, when so 
many & such excellent Writers have favoured the world with 
their labours — I am extremely delighted with my situation. — I 
have been receiv'd with every mark of politeness & attention, by 
every person of distinction in this City, exclusive of those of the 
Factory which consists of French, German, & Genevereens, as 
well as English, Scotch, & Irish Protestants. There is nothing 
that I have any reason to apprehend can in the least disturb my 
quiet, but what would naturally arise from the little jealousies of 
many Individuals, that more attention may be paid to one than 
another; — like all other trading towns, this abounds in parties; — 
but so well acquainted as I am with mankind, & so much accus- 
tomed to the art of pleasing (so essentially necessary to a quiet & 
secure passage through life), that I flatter myself I shall succeed 
in giving satisfaction to all — The factory have found me a house, 
which I have fitted up in a genteel manner at a small expense — 
My salary is one hundred & thirty pounds sterling exclusive of 
perquisites — I am never permitted to dine at home, so that my 
table costs me nothing, I keep one Servant — I took the liberty of 
introducing to you Mr. & Mrs. Verdon, & Mrs. Guse, who have 
lately form'd a house in your City, & hope they will prove agree- 
able acquaintances— My Father, Brothers & Sisters, I flatter my- 
self were pleased with the trifling presents I sent them. — 

150 William and Mary Quarterly 

josephf I hope will make a valuable man. But if he neglects his 
business, misspends his time, & becomes an Idle vulgar fellow, 
I have assured him I will have nothing to say to him — If on the 
contrary his conduct is such as you approve of — I will grant all 
the assistance to him in my power — a language I hope not incom- 
patible w l either friendship or affection — 

My Respec 3 to M rs Rush, Aunt & Cousins — 

Y r Friend & Kins" 

Tho 9 Hall— 

Leghorn, Decern 1 " 16th, 1788. 
Dear Kinsman — 

My last letter to you, written some time in the summer, will, 
I flatter myself, convince you, that I am sensible of my error in 
supposing that you had neglected me. But is it not astonishing, 
that in the course of five years, only one, of your letters, dated 
July 28. ult mo should come to hand — It would have been no small 
treat to me to have receiv'd your pamphlets which have done you 
so much honor, & your Country so much good. I have just written 
to London for some late publications amongst which are included 
thos'e of D r Rush, which will supersede the necessity of forward- 
ing them from America. — Permit me to congratulate you, & even- 
other well-wishes to his Country, on the final establishment of 
jrour fod^rsl Government — The task was arduous, — the labor 
great, — & your success has crown'd yom wishes. And further- 
more to rejoice with you & your amiable Lady in Your pleasing 
prospect, of transmitting not only your names to posterity, but 
also your selves in that of your children — which may with pro- 
priety be considered as a continuation of the Parent's existence, 
& that they may be a comfort & consolation to you both when in 
years, &.an honor & blessing to their country & Relatives is the 
ardent wish of one who is ever mindful of the one as well as the 
other, tho' in all probability, in this life, separated from both :— 
neither distance nor time itself, I fondly hope, will ever erase 
from my mind, the many cheerful days, the many important ser- 

|His brother, Joseph Hall, in 1786 with John Scull founded the 
Pittsburg Gazette. 

Willi am and Mary yuARTERLY 151 

vices — I have receiv'd from the one, & enjoyed in the other — I 
have, thanks to the Good Being who has hitherto assisted & pro- 
tected me, every thing that a moderate man ought to desire—an 
amiable companion, a sweet little Child, & easy circummstances : — ■ 
I have a well chosen library of near a thousand volumes of the 
most valuable books, in all the modern languages as well as the 
ancient — which can be of use, or delight — In short, I may safely 
say, That if I am not happy, I am ungrateful — In my last I gave 
you a small sketch of politics — Which I see no reason, for con- 
tradicting — It is reported the Grand Seigneur is dead — but this I 
believe will not repress the ardour of the Turk — Prussia is mak- 
ing great preparations to oppose the Russians in their preten- 
sions in Poland — but Russia must yield — & be compelled to make 
peace also w* Sweden if She has a wish to make any further im- 
pression on the Turk. — 

My best respects to your Lady & family — 

Yours very sincerely, Thomas Hall 

Leghorn, Feb. 28, 1789. 
. . . In my last, some two or three months ago — I gave you 
a succint account of everything relating to me & my little family ; 
but less that may not reach you, I shall say in a few words, that 
my dear Maria Ann renders me as happy as I Could wish — 
With economy we have been enabled to live comfortably, & lay 
by sufficient to furnish our house neatly & prettily, & moreover 
to purchase a choice collection of books, in whose society I spend 
the principal part of my time. My dear little Girl grows finely 
& promises well — She runs about & amuses me with her prattle. 
Should our Kinsman D r Elisha Hall * ever mentioned to you 
that I have not answered his letter that he has written to me — 
tc suspend the prosecution of him on his bond — My answer is — 
be had of me a great deal of very valuable property, which I 
know he afterwards sold for a considerable profit — & I could 
not reply to his letter, without doing violence to my feelings on 
the one hand, or manifestly injuring my family on the other. I 
left property in Virginia to the Am 1 of £1000 Ster 1 — & debts to 

* Dr. Elisha Hall, of Fredericksburg, Va. 

152 William and Mary Quarterly 

the am 1 of £ico & odd Ster 1 — & tho' the bonds are due with more 
t^an ten years interest — I should have been contented that there 
had been enough collected only to pay what I owed. But so far 
from that I have been reduced to the necessity of remitting £100 
Ster 1 to Virginia this last year to pay what I owed ; — being re- 
solved to act justly by others, tho' I meet with nothing but in- 
gratitude & injustice in return. ... 

Leghorn, Aug. ye 1, 1802. 
. . . I have by this convoy sent to the historical Society of 
Boston a most valuable present — of two Etruscan stone coffins 
at least 3000 years old — of most curious structure, — & one of 
them with various figures in the true Grecian style — in basso- 
relieve, representing some very remarkable fact — which I have 
not hitherto been able to ascertain — & have therefore only at- 
tempted to give my opinion on it. It gives me pain that my 
native City should remain so perfectly indifferent about acquisi- 
tions of so great value — & which I have offered myself so re- 
peatedly to be the humble instrument of procuring for them, with- 
out other reward than the pleaure of serving them. To my no 
small regret I am well informed that the various articles with 
which through your medium I have enriched Peal's museum, are 
but little attended to, — & I must add that the Proprietor has 
never had the civility to thank me for them ... I laboured 
for years to make my fellow Citizens rich by a valuable collection 
of natural history, at only the small price of two hundred dol- 
lars, — which they rejected — & which I sold for three times the 
sum. I then undertook a Herculean task of full seven years toil 
in forming a series of the most valuable monuments of antiquity 
in gold, silver, & copper medals — which they rejected at the 
inconsiderable price of one hundred & fifty pounds sterling — for 
which I got double the sum. I have since formed a collection 
of still greater value — together — with ancient cameos — for which 
I expect an answer from the Society of Boston, of which I am 
a member. . . . 

P. S. — I have made a collection within the last eighteen 
months of about 150 most valuable paintings — by the most cele- 
brated artists — at a very small price. 

William and Mary Quarterly 153 

My dear Kinsman — 

Your happy invention of the dialogue brought you to my 
arms, and after the most tender effusion of tears of joy, I con- 
signed you alternately to my dear Maria Anne, my daughter Jane, 
& to my sons Horace & Tom ; — ... 

Twenty-six long years have elapsed since our last meeting 
. . . My Sisters McComiell & Fullerton have sent me your por- 
trait, which to me was a most acceptable present, & from it I can 
form A tolerable adequate idea of the change that years, fatigue & 
sickness have occasioned in your person — but the difference is 
trifling in comparison with that which you would find in your 
kinsman T — Hall — who is now in his fifty-second year — & in the 
opinion of the Messrs. Dugen . . . appears older than Dr. 
Rush. I am happy notwithstanding to be able to assure you that 
scarcely in any respect do I find a difference in the whole machine 
since my leaving America (my eyesight only excepted) either in 
agility or activity of body or mind. The poring over old rusty 
coins for the last fifteen years of my life with indefatigable atten- 
tion has so much weakened my vision as to render spectacles ab- 
solutely necessary. . 

The loss, which you mention in your last letter, that you had 
suffered by the paper money in your exertions to effect a final 
separation of the United States from Great Britain, I was a 
total stranger to, — but you have enjoyed at least the pleasing 
satisfaction of having obtained your favorite object. I lost, on 
this occasion, an excellent Benefice in Virginia worth at least 
£300 Sterling per annum — & all my lands, negroes, household 
furniture, cattle, besides an excellent library of books, which I 
had by my own indefatigable industry acquired; — The former, 
in consequence of the declaration of independence, the latter from 
the depreciation of paper money, & the want of common honesty 
in those to whom I disposed of my property, — to redeem their 
bonds, which my agent in Virginia has been endeavouring to ef- 
fect for more than twenty years, to no purpose. . . . My 
dear Kinsman my distresses & struggles in adversity began at a 
very early period in my life, in consequence of my Fathers mis- 
fortunes, when I was left without money or friends, to bear mv 

154 William and Mary Quarterly 

expenses at College — but my own industry & good conduct car- 
ried me through ; — & by the protection of a good & wise Provi- 
dence, in a few years I was enabled to assist my own family, & 
make a handsome provision, as I then flattered myself, for life ; 
although here I was mistaken. After I had left America, I was 
again thrown upon the great stage of the world without the 
means of a decent subsistence, & having exhausted nearly my 
little all, I was driven by distress like a poor pilgrim, on foot, 
to wander over the scraggy hills of Scotland & Ireland, fre- 
quently the bare earth my bed & my scanty food a crust of bread 
& herbs. Yet I can declare with truth, that even when reduced 
to my last sixpence, I did not even then utter a murmur or com- 
plaint against the Supreme Disposer of all things — still comfort- 
ing myself that something would turn up in my favor : & rather 
than to have solicited assistance from any living Creature, I had 
fully made up my mind in hiring myself as a common labourer on 
some farm. When on a sudden, a bright ray of hope broke in 
upon my gloomy prospects, & in a short time, Heaven granted me 
relief, — and from that time to the present, full twenty years, has 
continued to shower down its blessings on me & my family with- 
out the least intermission. About twelve months ago indeed I 
was" in the most perilous situation — occasioned by my too great 
& too generous endeavours to sustain the house of my Father 
& Brother in law — but thanks to that beneficent hand above, which 
has so long protected and supported me — I am still firm on my 
feet again; by taking possession of the furniture — goods in the 
warehouse, plate, jewels &c &c. 1 am nearly covered. I shall 
lose a few hundred dollars instead of as many thousands. How- 
ever one inconvenience attends it, — formerly, I had my money at 
interest, I have now effects which can produce me nothing until 
I find a favorable opportunity to dispose of them. 

You observe that you have been always led from your situa- 
tion in life to live expensively, tho' not extravagantly: — This is 
a common malady in our family — as I never knew one of them 
who was not most hospitable disposed: — It is exactly my case, 
from my first setting out in life even to the present day: In Vir- 
ginia I kept an excellent table & a house always open to my 

William and Mary Quarterly 155 

friends & neighbours : — In Leghorn, from my station as Chaplain, 
not only to the English nation, but also to the French & Swiss 
protestants, I am unavoidably brought into a very numerous & 
extensive acquaintance with foreigners from every quarter, who 
take Leghorn in their way through Italy : And add to this my 
being born an American, & I flatter myself beloved by my country- 
men, brings with it no trifling expence : — From Boston to South 
Carolina, scarcely a vessel arrives at this Port, throughout the 
course of the year, that does not bring me a letter of introduction 
from some friend whom I have known personally, or from some 
one to whom I have paid attention here. — Should the matter be- 
come serious — I must apply to my friend Jefferson as President — 
to allow me a fixt salary to support my table : — Jesting apart, — 
I can assure you, my dear Kinsman, that notwithstanding my ex- 
pences, (everything included) amount yearly to full fifteen hun- 
dred dollars, Yet, so handsome is my income — I have a surplus 
of full five hundred dollars at the close of each year: — In case 
of my death I have not failed to make provision for my excellent 
Wife: — As to my children — my Eldest Daughter, who is now in 
her sixteenth year & has finished her education, naturally will 
require that I should put by something for her : — As to the Boys — 
I shall spare no money in completing their studies. — & then shall 
let them shift for themselves as their Father did before them : — 
Horace is destined to succeed me — and a very eligible situation it 
will be for him : He is now entering on his thirteenth year — 
speaks & writes correctly the English, French, & Italian lan- 
guages; — is tolerably well grounded in the Latin authors: His- 
tory, geography, chronology & arithmetic are very familiar to 
him; he writes an excellent hand, & dances with so much ease 
& elegance that he may — if everything else should fail him — get 
his bread as a Dancing Master: — as an Usher under me in my 
public Protestant school (which I have lately established at 
Leghorn) he is already very useful — and I allow him something 
clever every month to excite him to be industrious : — Even little 
Tom whom I intend for a merchant, affords me no little help with 
the younger fry, although he is only seven years & eight months 
old. . . . Leghorn, Nov. ye 27th, 1802. 

156 William and Mary Quarterly 

My dear Doctor Rush, 

As I prize the opinion of my valuable young friends & kins- 
men,- John & Richard,* I am anxious to remove from their minds 
a prejudice, which if once taken root, might be difficult to effect, 
viz: that of considering me as a Royalist, & of course not a citi- 
zen of the United States : — What has led them into this error is 
an observation you made in your last beautiful dialogue. — It is 
well known in Virginia, where I then resided, that at the com- 
mencement of the dispute between Great-Britain & what was 
then called the Colonies, I took a very active part, as .being per- 
fectly persuaded of the injustice & tyranny of the one and of the 
indisputable right of the other, with their charters in their hands 
to insist that they should not be violated : — But as soon as I was 
convinced of the drift of many of the leading men throughout the 
different States tended to a total separation from the Mother- 
Country, I changed my ground, & most ardently wished that so 
hazardous a step might not be taken in so early a period — in the 
very infancy of a rising people : And in this I was not singular, 
— as the Representatives of all the States in Congress decided the 
ma.tter, only by a very small majority : — Of course the minority 
submitted, & with them I took the oath of allegiance & fidelity to 
the United States, as will appear from the Virginia records : — 
In consequence of this change, I lost per an. 18000 w* of tobacco 
brought to my door, & all that I had in return for my labours for 
two years after as minister of the Parish (being paid in paper 
money raised by voluntary subscription) amounted in all — when 
realized to about fifty dollars in silver, which I was with no small 
difficulty 'able to procure : — With such a prospect before me, I de- 
termined to quit the ministry — and to turn my thoughts to the 
medical line : — And with this view I sold all my possessions in Vir- 
ginia to be paid with interest at a future day; — (but alas that day 
has not yet — & I fear never will arrive, as it is the interest of all 
not to pay the principal — and the principle of all not to pay the in- 
terest) and accepted of an offer which was made me by a member 
of Congress to act as Governor to his son, at the University of 
Leyden with an appointment of £150 Sterg per an. After 12 

* Sons of Benjamin Rush. 

William and Mary Quarterly 157 

months my pupil left me, & could by no arguments be prevailed 
on to return to his studies, so that I was under the necessity of 
consenting to his returning to America; & now, cut off from all 
supplies, in order to procure a bare subsistence, I found myself 
obliged to solict a curacy in England where I resided until Great- 
Britain acknowledged the independency of the United States — 
& had I at that period been residing in America, I must of course 
have been included in the number of those who were declared by 
Great Britain as free & independent Citizens. — To what country 
do I then belong, you may ask? — I answer I am a Subject of 
Great Britain, & at the same time a Citizen of the United States 
of America to whom I have sworn to be faithful, & I much doubt 
whether there be many in the number who more ardently desire 
the welfare & prosperity of my Country-men, than myself. . . . 
Hence it is evident, that although I am a British subject, still I 
have a right to my citizenship of the United States of America. — 
Should it be demanded if my Children are entitled to this privi- 
lege, I readily answer, they are not ; — but they may some future 
day become so. . . . 
Leghorn, Jan. 13, 1804. 

Leghorn, Aug. 7th, 1805. 
. . . My dear Friend, your last kind, affectionate letter was 
a cordial to my heart. Is it possible that the learned, the worthy 
Bishop White should after so long an interval of time, recollect 
one who can have nothing to recommend him to his notice, but 
the having been at College together? Does this excellent man 
condescend to interest himself in my behalf, & promise me his 
patronage, should I return to the place of my nativity? Let me 
beseech you to return him my sincerest thanks for his kind 
benevolent intentions, & to beg that if I can in any measure, be 
of the smallest utility to him in this part of the world, that lie 
will honor me with his commands. — For the present, I think it 
prudent to remain quietly at my post, for what ever may be the 
will of Providence in the future arrangements, changes, &c. &c. 
of this country, I flatter myself — there is secured for me, a suf- 
ficiency to live with economy — & I ask no more. Besides in 

158 William and Mary Quarterly 

America, I should not be able to dispose of my valuable colle:- 
tion of the finest pictures by the most celebrated masters, — to 
the. amount of near two hundred — which have been estimated 
here by the ablest judges at 15000 dollars (even in the present 
time) And should peace take place they may bring me much 
more : — Add to these, my cabinet of Antiques — amongst which 
are gold, silver & copper medals, for which I have been lately of- 
fered, by a Prince of the German Empire (whose polite letter 
I have now on the table) the sum of 400 guineas — but my price 
is 500. — I have besides cameos, intaglios, /mosaics, &c. &c. of great 
value — all which will command a ready sale — as soon as the great 
contending powers shall have united in stopping the unbounded 
ambition of Neapoleon . . . 

(ABOUT 1775-1776). 

(Original MSS. in the possession of Mrs. William Emlen Studdiford, 

Great Granddaughter of Parry Hall, 124 E. 36th St., New 

York, 1912.) 

Dear Sister, 

I hope you will pardon my not writing by Parson Hallf — I had actually 
wrote a letter, but as we live at some Distance apart he could not get it 
before he entered on his journey. I was the less uneasy as I expected you 
would hear from him a very particular History of me; but it seems his 
business would not permit him to take a Ride to Nicetown. Therefore I 
will do it for him. I have been going to and fro in the Earth, ever since 
I left Home, not seeking whom but what I might devour, that is endeavor- 
ing to get Bread w ch is as much as can fall to the Lot of any man in this 
Iron Age, for Peace he cannot have. I am now living with Col Tom 
Nelson, one of the Delegates of the Congress, a gentleman of the first 
Fortune and Interest in this Colony. He allows io£ a piece for each of 

* This is Dr. Jacob Hall, 4 already referred to, who was afterwards 
President of Cokesbury College. See Maryland Historical Magazine, 
Vol. VIII., p. 217-235. Mrs. Hannah Nice was his sister, who became 
the wife of George Nice, of Nicetown, Philadelphia County, Penn. The 
letter was probably written in the autumn of 1775. 

f This, of course, was the Rev. Thomas Hall. 

William and Mary Quarterly 159 

his 5 sons, with the Liberty of taking in 4 or 5 more, gives me my Board 
and Accommodations, a Servant to wait on me, and makes a Compliment 
of their Board to the Boys in my Favor — I have the Benefit of his Library 
which is a fine Collection, make no doubt I shall live as Comfortably as 
these troublesome times will admit — The Difficulty of Conveyance has 
prevented your hearing from me so often as I could wish, and nothing 
but the present good Opportunity could have prevail'd upon me to write, 
for I hate to have my Letter broke open, tho' there shoul'd be nothing 
in them. Next to Seeing you all, nothing could give me so much Satis- 
faction as to hear from yourself and dear Family, but this I have insisted 
on in so pressing a manner before, that I shall not repeat — But if the 
fit should take you to write Contrary to my , Expectations, Pray let me 
have the Number of your Family, how many I am uncle to, their ages 
and sizes, how they go on with their learning, Also, a Long Catalogue of 
my former Friends and Acquaintances in that part of the Earth, especially 
those you think I should be glad to hear of, who are dead, who are mar- 
ried, and everything else you can think of that would give me the least 
Satisfaction, be it of never so trifling a nature. For be assured as it comes 
from Pennsylvania my Native Land, and from a dear Sister, it will give 
sincere pleasure to 

Love to all your Loving Brother 

inquiring Friends Jacob Hall 

Have you had any late accounts from our hon d aged Father since he 
removed to the Mountains to spend the Remainder of his Days? 
(Addressed) Mrs. Hannah Nice 

Near Germantown 
By Col Nelson 

160 William and Mary Quarterly 


Communicated by N. W. Stephenson, of the College of 
Charleston, S. C. 

(Continued from Page 98.) 

What use Rich made of these letters, (z. e., the letters sent 
over to Virginia in 1618, railing against Smythe, Johnson and 
all their works), has not been discovered. But if circumstantial 
evidence counts for anything he was busily engaged during the 
latter months of 1618 and the early months of 1619 in two in- 
trigues both designed to injure Sir Thomas Smythe. 

One of these concerned his ships taken in the Orient. In 
October, 1618, the East India Company decided to appeal the 
matter to the King, craftily ordering "a brief relation of the hopes 
of trade with Persia, and the dangers that might have ensued 
through Lord Rich's surprising the rich ship appertaining to the 
Grand Mogores Mother." 20 The boldness of Rich is mirrored 
with a naivety that is delicious in a letter of Sir Thomas Wynne 
to Carleton, to the effect that "Sir Robert Rich takes it ill of the 
East India Company, that they took his prize from him which 
was of great value, and restored it to the Moghul's Mother from 
whom it was taken." 27 

On the authority of Wynne, writing in February, 1619, we 
have it that Rich "arrested an East India ship upon an action of 
i,£." 2S The same letter records the King's interference 
in the matter, and his command to Rich to compound it. At last 
there was a hearing before the Privy Council after which the 
Archbishop of Canterbury wrote to Sir Thomas Roe, saying that 
Rich had been "so handled among us that you shall not hear more 
of him there" and that, "our new Admiral, the Marquis of Buck- 
ingham," had promised to see to it that nd more such infractions 
of international law took place. 29 So pleased were the East Indies 

26 Calendar of State Papers, East Indies, 1617-1621, No. 466. 

27 Ibid., No. 567. 

28 Ibid., 591. Surely this incredible sum has been set down carelessly 
or the entry has been misconstrued in the calendaring. 

™ Ibid., 594. 

William and Mary Quarterly 161 

directors that we find them, February 23, 1619, ordering notice 
to be given all their stockholders "how gracious his Majesty has 
been to the Company in Lord Rich's business." 30 

Here is evidence enough of the intensity of the feud between 
Rich — now Lord Rich — and Smythe, at the opening of 1619. 31 
It would not be strange if Sir Thomas imagined he had won tne 
day. But he did not as yet know his man. He was destined 
to some great surprises both as to what was still to take place 
over the East India ships, and what was even then taking place 
surreptitiously in another quarter. We are thus recalled to Rich's 
other intrigue of the winter, 1618-19. The course of it probably, 
is now past recovering. Its fruits stare us in the face. Rich was 
a member of the Virginia Company and at the annual election, 
April 28, 1619, he — by this time Earl of Warwick — was present; 
also, Sir Thomas Smythe and Sir Edwin Sandys. 32 The record of 
that day was set down by the Sandys' faction and is punctileouslv 
formal, showing Sir Thomas Smythe stepping down from office 
of his own accord. But that same faction, some years afterward, 
had occasion to restate the significance of that event. In the 
latter version 33 they were more candid. 

3° Ib\d., 600. 

31 Doubtless it had been aggravated still further by the vain attempt 
of the East India Company to prevent the grant to Rich, Georges and 
others, of the charter of the Guinea Company, which charter was granted 
in November, 1618, Brown, Genesis of the United States, 902 and 980; 
also First Republic, 292; Calendar State Papers, East Indies, 1617-1621, 
No. 469. 

32 Kingsbury, Records of the Virginia Company, I, 211. 

33 Ibid.} II, 400-404. The letters to Virginia and their answers are 
there mentioned, along with the quarrels between Argall and the Company 
while the former was Governor of Virginia. The episode is amply familiar 
to all students of the Company. Whether it reveals any furtTTer evidence 
of- Warwick's surreptitious designs against Smythe, is a question. The 
report to the council, in which this account is drawn out is bitterly ex 
parte. The tone of it, in contrast with the entries made by the same 
faction four years earlier, has not had sufficient consideration. Can we 
think that Sandys and his party, in 1619, were ignorant of the character 
of Warwick and allied themselves with him innocently? If they knew, 
in 1619, what manner of man they accepted as an ally, was their tone, 
in 1623, reviewing an episode in which they had profited by his support, 
quite manly? 

1 62 William and Mary Quarterly 

After reviewing certain contentions relative to Warwick in 
the year, 1618, they say "Butt the saide Earl * * * in the 
Eastre Tearme ensuing 1619 pursued with great earnestness the 
displaceing of Sir Tho : Smith and Alderman Johnson from the 
Government of ye Company \v ch succeeded accordingly/' 34 

How, pray, did the saide Earl succeed? How but through a 
coalition of such part of the Company's membership as he could 
himself control with the faction that backed Sir Edwin Sandys? 
Though Sandys and his party, four years afterwards, modestly 
attributed the displacement of Sir Thomas Smythe and Mr. 
Alderman Johnson wholly to the able machinations of Lord War- 
wick, the facts of the election of 1619 are eloquent for a differ- 
ent version of the event. 33 It is to be remembered that the offices 
of the Company were bestowed at that election upon members of 
the Sandys' faction, Sir Edwin becoming Treasurer and his de- 
voted lieutenant, Nicholas Ferrar, becoming deputy. Further- 
more, though Smythe himself thought it good generalship to with- 
draw from the contest his party made a fight both for the 
Treasurership and the Deputyship. Johnson was the anti-Sandys 
candidate in both ballotings. As candidate for Treasurer he was 
voted down, 59 to 18, with 23 votes thrown away upon Sir John 
Wolstenholme. For Deputy he got 29 votes against Ferrar s 52, 
and 10 thrown away. Surely this election was the outcome of a 
previous understanding between Sandys and Warwick. 

Not to mince matters, the idealistic statesman and the piratical 
intriguer had formed a combination to destroy the party of Sir 
Thomas Smythe. The figure of Sandys has emerged recently 
from a long and undeserved obscurity. That he will eventually 
attain a high place among political idealists, many of us are en- 
tirely convinced. But we need not pass from one extreme, from, 
the view of Professor Channing who regards him as utterly unfit 
for his position, 36 to an attitude of glorification. Let us concede 

**Ibid., II, 404. 

3 5 Ibid., I, 211-214. 

36 "What is clear now and should have been in 1619, was the unfit- 
ness of Sir Edwin Sandys for the position of chief administrator of the 
Virginia Company. For if there was one position in England which should 
have been occupied by one who had the confidence of the King, that place 

William and Mary Quarterly 163 

him a fair measure of humanity according to seventeenth century 
lights. So doing we need not be shocked at his alliance with the 
pirate Earl to accomplish what he conceived to be a good end. 
To the present day student of American history, this alliance 
may be permitted to call to mind the famous sneer which has 
made immortal the phrase ''the Puritan and the blackleg." And 
yet all things considered, has it any more justification applied to 
Sandys and Warwick than to Adams and Clay? However, in 
some fashion, we may assume, Sandys made his bargain with 
Warwick and in some fashion the price w r as paid. It is plain 
that the Sandys party made much of Warwick during 1619. He 
was promptly made a member of the Council 37 — a director, let 
us say. His cousin and henchman, Sir Nathaniel Rich 38 was also 
raised to the Council. Both the kinsmen figured on committees. 
At least one important meeting was held at Warwick's house. 

But were these commercial honors the whole of Warwick's 
pay? And was the transfer of the Company's offices the real 
end for which Sandys and Ferrar had combined with the noble 
pirate? It must be remembered that they had been directing the 

was the executive head of the colonizing enterprise whose success depended 
in very great measure upon the good will of the reigning monarch," 
History, I, 193. This remark is based on a fallacy in historical criticism. 
It judges a movement not in relation to its own objective but in relation 
to some further outcome which in the mind of the critic is of greater 
significance. As if one should condemn a chemical venture which attained 
the end sought because, perhaps, it did not have by-products. Sandys 
and his associates were, first of all, English politicians and it is fair to 
assume that Virginia, in their eyes, was but a means to an end. It may 
yet be shown that their Virginia activity, between 1614 and 1621, when 
no parliament was in session, was first of all a great stroke of practical 
politics, giving a continuous rallying ground for that Parliamentary op- 
position which otherwise might have dissipated itself and have had to 
begin over again when Parliament met in 1621. To compare the incident 
with a greater, it may have been in the formation of the Liberal party 
of the seventeenth century, what the Gallic p>oconsulship was in the 
formation of Caesar's party. To judge it purely with regard to its ef- 
fect upon Virginia is like judging Caesar's provincial career purely from 
the point of view of Gaul. 

37 Kingsbury, Records of the Virginia Company, I, 227. 

3« Ibid. 

164 William and Mary Quarterly 

government of Virginia previous to this time, their great leader 
being content with the title of assistant. As to governing the 
Colony, except for one consideration, they appear to have had 
little if anything to gain by the election of 1619. Obviously that 
one consideration must contain the secret of their purpose ; in it 
must be concealed the object of their policy. 

Thus, at last, by this roundabout course, we reach a point of 
vantage from which it seems plain that the real issue of the elec- 
tion of 1 61 9 was the destruction of the Society of Particular 
Adventurers — in modern phrase, the putting out of business of 
the Smythe syndicate. Nothing could be more consistent with 
the avowed policy of Sandys, whose parliamentary career was 
always anti-monopolistic. 39 It was Sandys and his faction that 
had broken up the land monopoly in Virginia ; to round out their 
policy, they needed only to recover and then abolish, the mono- 
poly of Virginia trade which Smythe and his party, before intro- 
ducing the 'mew blood" into the Company, had so craftily slipped 
into their own pockets. Fortunately for their purpose, they were 
able to buy the support of Lord Warwick by offering him a great 
opportunity to injure Sir Thomas Smythe. Have we not good 
ground for attributing to Sandys, along with his ideality, a good 
deal of the practical politician? In his utilization of the base 
motives of Warwick, we seem to see examplifiecl the principle, 
said to have been phrased by Lincoln, that politics, in part, was 
the using of individual meanness for the public good. 

The attack upon the syndicate was promptly begun. A full 
statement of the case with a demand that the syndicate should 
hand over all its privileges to the general Company by which in 
future all "the officers of the Magazine" were to be elected an- 
nually, was made June 9, 1619. 40 There followed six months of, 
bickering between the syndicate and the Sandys administration. 
In one of the discussions, Johnson lost his temper and used such 
language with regard to Sandys that a committee was appointed 

39 It is needless to cite that succession of passages in the Commons' 
Journal relative to Sandys, the most famous of which seems to show that 
his conception of monarchy was practically elective. 

40 Kingsbury, Records of the Virginia Company, I, 227. 

William and Mary Quarterly 165 

to take him in hand. The list of the committee was headed by 
Warwick and included Sir Nathaniel Rich. 41 Johnson was cen- 
sured. 42 In January, 1629, the fight ended with the dissolution 
of the Particular Adventurers. 43 On February 2, 1620, Sandys 
made the statement that the "matter of Trade was free and open 
for all men." 44 

Wherever we turn in the inner history of the Virginia Company 
a problem confronts us. Why did Warwick become so powerful 
in 1619? At present we cannot say. Referring to that incident 
of his "handling" by the Privy Council, early in the year, one is 
puzzled by trie swiftness of his subsequent rise to power. And 
yet we have the positive assertion of the Sandys party that he 
held the balance of power in the Virginia Company at the elec- 
tion in May. Still more singular is the new turn taken in the 
course of 1619 by the affair of the two ships. The Archbishop 
spoke too soon when he promised Roe that his Company should 
hear no more of the matter. On the contrary, side by side with 
Sandys' attack upon the Smythe interests through the campaign 
against the Particular Adventurers, Warwick was pushing an 
attack on those same interests through some sort of intrigue at 
CourL The allied enemies of Smythe were equally successful. 
Startling evidence of the success of Warwick's share of the at- 
tack is found in a paper included among the documents of the 
East India Company of November, 161 9. A letter from the king- 
informed them that they must after all satisfy "Warwick for the 
loss of his ships "arid the overthrow of his voyage," since the 
king had forgiven the Earl and expected the Company to do 
likewise."' 4r> Some members of the Company wished to make 
resistance but "Sir Thomas Roe and Sir Dudley Diggs from 
speeches they had heard at Court" convinced the others that their 
best course was to compromise with Warwick, which they de- 
cided to do. 

One would give much to know what these speeches at Court 

41 Ibid., I, 241. 

^Ibid., 1, 243. • 

43 Ibid., I, 293. 

"Ibid., I, 303. 

45 Calendar State Papers East Indies, 1617-1621, No. 772. 

1 66 William and Mary Quarterly 

expressed, and by whom they were made. It is not fanciful to 
find in this cold entry in the East India papers, the shadow of a 
successful plot. A hint at least of what made it possible is found 
in another paper dated December I, 1620. 46 It is the substance 
of a letter from Buckingham "informing the company that his 
Majesty, having formally granted to Buckingham that part of 
the goods which belonged to him out of the forfeiture incurred 
by the Earl of Warwick, and his Majesty having since written in 
Lord Warwick's behalf, therefore his Majesty willingly remitted 
to Warwick all his interest and pretense which he had by his 
Majesty's said grant." Somehow Warwick had tied up his 
fortunes with those of the favorite. Perhaps the hand of Buck- 
ingham is still more plainly shown in a royal letter to the East 
India Company commanding them to arbitrate the Warwick 
claim and stating that "if they could not end it, his Majesty would 
appoint an umpire, and that his Majesty's mind was that the Earl 
should be no loser by the voyage." 47 As Sandys had brought 
over Warwick to his side, so Warwick, somehow, had brought 
over Buckingham, and the means if not the method of the change 
of front at Court during 1619 ceases to be mysterious. We may 
even think of the Virginia idealists through their alliance with 
Warwick, and Warwick's alliance with Buckingham, resting 
momentarily in the shadow of that statesman who is the last 
word for unscrupulousness. 4S The strange bed-fellows of politics 
are not a fiction. 

It is plain therefore that the fortunes of the Smythe syndicate. 
at the opening of 1620. were at a low ebb. The kaleidoscopic 
changes of that year — the sudden undermining of Warwick's 
position by the exposure of the doings of his other ship, the 
famous "Treasurer" ; the West Indian piracies charged against 
him ; the eagerness of Sandys, fearing a Spanish imbroglio, to 
escape from his connection with Warwick ; the desperate peace 

"Ibid., 778. 

47 Ibid., 801. The arbitrators were appointed in March, 1620. It is 
significant that Warwick named Sir Ferdinando George. Ibid., 829. 

* s Though not certainly significant, the appeal made by Sandys to 
Buckingham, after the dramatic turn of the tide in 1620. inevitably comes 
to mind. Brown, First Republic, 368. 

William and Mary Quarterly 107 

patched up under stress of circumstances between the startled 
Warwick, and his deeply embarrassed enemy, Smythe; the pro- 
tection accorded this new alliance by the king — all this, as a 
brilliant writer of our day would once have said, is another story. 
And yet it also has its problem. How was the new alliance made 
sure of the royal support ? Again the name of Buckingham rises 
to one's lips. In Buckingham, if anywhere, must lie the vague 
clew to that firm cementing of this new-born anti-Sandys party 
in its final form as an instrument of the despotic policy of the 
Crown. The intervention of King James in the politics of the 
Virginia Company, his attempt to force Sir Thomas Smythe back 
into power in 1620, is a tale twice told. Knowing how indifferent 
Smythe was upon questions of Virginia's government, we have 
no choice but to conclude that he was aiming at the recovery 
of his Virginia monopoly. On the part of Warwick the hostility 
which he now developed against Sandys may well have been 
revenge. On the part of the Smythe syndicate it was a last 
desperate attempt to recover their lost investments in Virginia. 
Failing utterly in that, they pursued a course thus described in a 
late entry in the Court book * * * ''from which time the 
said Earl and Sir Nathaniel Rich with others his Lordships fol- 
lowers have generally absented themselves from the Courts of the 
Company, and other meetings in Counsell, And the said Earl and 
Sir Nathaniel Rich together with Sir Thomas Smith have also 
sold awaie their Adventures in the particular Plantation where of 
they were * * * " 49 If I mistake not, we have here the 
final significance of this whole involved affair. The Council for 
New England came into existence in November, 1620. 50 Its chief 
promoter, Sir Ferdinando Gorges, was one of Warwick's close 
associates. In its original Council, Warwick was included. 51 
There again we encounter Buckingham. 52 This great venture, 
the last word for monopoly in commerce, for royalist ideas in 
government, 53 appeared upon the scene precisely when the royal- 

49 Kingsbury, Records of the Virginia Company, II, 405. 

50 Charters and Constitutions, 931. 

51 Ibid., 923. 

52 Ibid. 

53 Ibid., 924-25. See also the analysis of the New England system in 
Osgood, Colonies, I, 102-105. Professor Osgood seems to be content with 

1 68 William and Mary Quarterly 

ist-monopolistic factions gave over their attempt to recover the 
control of the Virginia Company. The men who "sold awaie" 
their Virginia interests were the supporters of the rival venture 
of 1620, Is it not fair to conclude that the new Council was, in 
part, their machinery for the w r recking of that older Company 
from which they had been expelled ? 54 Was not the persecution 
of the Sandys regime, by Smythe, Warwick, and the King, from 
1620 to 1624, the disguised warfare of what we should to-day 
call an "interest" making use of legislation to destroy a rival 
"interest" which, however, like certain wealthy liberals of our 
own time, had committed itself to a political policy hostile to 

Note by the Editor. 

I think it unfortunate to say that ''Virginia under Sir Thomas 
Smythe's rule resembled a penal settlement rather than a colony," see 
page 90. The suggestion reflects on the character of the settlers, which is 
disagreeable. It is perfectly proper to call it a colony under military 
rules, as it resembled an encampment of soldiers, justifying the modern 
account as "a plantation system * * * with great rigor, the 
colonists, working in gangs (or rather squads and companies) under 
officials as overseers, eating at common tables, and living in common 

the idea that the organization of the New England Council was not related, 
in any special way, to the troubles of the Virginia Company. "Finally 
in 1620, moved partly as Gorges suggests, by emulation, the survives 
among the Plymouth patentees petitioned the king for a new charter," 
Colonies, I, 98. I wish to interpret "emulation" in this connection, as 
downright commercial war sauced with personal rancor. 

54 It must be borne in mind that no one has yet attempted to weigh 
with equal hand the actions of the Sandys party when reviewed from the 
point of view here suggested. So much has been said upon the partial 
ruin of their schemes by the Smythe-Warwick combination that their 
own preceding actions ruining the Smythe syndicate and under- 
mining the value of its Virginia investment, has been ignored. Again, in 
seeking to do justice to Sandys, let us not become blind advocates. There 
is something to be said for his opponents after all. The idealist in 
economic politics is generally forced to cut the Gordian knot with the 
sword, and in actual life that solution generally involves suffering, not 
to say injustice. We must forgive the conservative by instinct for his 
failure to estimate such action at its future value. 

William and Mary Quarterly 169 


(Continued from Vol. XXII., 130.) 

Communicated by Rev. S. O. Southall,. Hanover, Va. 

May 17, 1788. — Thos. Nelson & Lucy his wife of York Co. to 
Baynham Graves 224 a. adj. Standley, road to negro- 
foot & road to Richmond. Witness Edmund Berkley, 
Carter Berkeley, W m Berkeley, & T. Nelson, Jr. 

July 2, 1789. — W m Nelson, Jr. of York Co. to W m Manson of 
Town of Hanover 2 lots in Hanover town. 

Apr. 1, 1790. — W m Harris & W m Nelson of Hanover, ex tors of 
will (1789) of James Cosby, to W™ Minor 572 a. small 
branch north side Little River, adj. Dr. James Nelson, 
Henry B. Jones & Mr. Watts. 

Feb. 3, 1791. — Thos. Garnett Noell, of Hanover, to Sarah Ruther- 
ford (3 negroes). 

Apr. 14, 1785. — Jno. Hatley Norton & Sarah, his wife, of 

i Frederick Co. to Richard Morris of Louisa 881 a. upper 

end of Hanover on Taylor's Creek adj. Gen 1 Nelson, 

W m Morris, said John Hatley Norton, Bins' Swamp, 

Middle Swamp. Witness Chiswell Barrett. 

Oct. 20, 1789. — Lipscomb Nor veil & Molly his wife of Mercer 
Co. to W m H end rick of Hanover 209 a. adj. Robt. 
Sydnor, W™ Lumpkin, W ra Bumper's, Jno. Butler, 
Stephen Haynes. 

Sept. 6, 1 79 1. — Jno. Norvell of St. Paul, Hanover, to James 
Trevilian 431 a. in St Paul, adj. Jno. Anthony at head 
of May's branch, W m Payne's, Taylor's, Gunter's, Chap- 
man Austin, Paul Thilman. 

Aug. 12, 1792. — James Overstreet & Nancy his wife of Louisa 
Co. to Timothy Terrell of Hanover 70 a. (a part of 
land bought by said Overstreet of Mark Whealor dec d ) 

Dec. 31, 1785. — Benj. Oliver to Sarah Branch, dau. of Jas. & 
Fanny Branch for 5 shillings & ''Natural love &c." 

170 William and Mary Quarterly 

Dec. 3, 1789. — Benj. Oliver & Sarah his wife to W m James 290 

a. adj. said Jones. W m Barker's, Lemay's. 
June 17, 1790. — John Oliver of Augusta Co. to Nathan Anderson, 

Jr. lot in Hanover Town. 
July 29, 1784. — Mann Page, executor of his Father Mann Page. 

Esq. dec d to Cary Wiatt of Hanover Town. Lot in 

Hanover town. 
Mar. 3, 1786. — Mann Page ex lor of Mann Page Esq. dec d of 

Spotsylvania to Robert Johnston of Hanover town lot 

Hanover Town. 
March 1, 1786. — Ditto to W m Cocke lot in Hanover Town. 
Dec. 14, 1785. — Ditto to Nathan Anderson, lot in Hanover Town. 
May 21, 1787. — Robt. Page of Hanover to Benj. Carter Waller, 

of Williamsburg — slaves. 
May 21, 1787. — Robt. Page of Hanover to Clara Travis of W ms - 

burg City, 30 slaves. 
June 8, 1787. — Mann Page ex tor of Mann Page Esq. dec d to W m 

Bradford lot in Hanover Town. 
Jany. 9, 1787. — Mann Page ex tor of Mann Page dec d of Spot- 
, sylvania to Geo. Dabney of King William, lot in Han- 

over Town. 
April 3, 1788. — Ditto to John Minor, Jr. Lot in Hanover Town. 
Apr. 4, 1788. — Ditto to Jno. Starke, Jr. Lot in Hanover Town. 
Apr. 8, 1788. — Ditto to Jno. Starke, Jr. Lot in Hanover Town. 
Apr. 3, 1788. — Ditto to Robert Hart and Malcolm Hart. 
Apr. 8, 1788. — Ditto to James Oliver lot in Hanover Town. 
Apr. 3, 1788. — Ditto to James Oliver lot in Hanover Town. 
Aug. 4, 1791. — Ditto to Nelson & Crew lot in Hanover Town. 
Aug. 4, 1791. — Ditto to Mann Satterwhite, Sr. of King W m . lot 

in Hanover Town. 
Aug. 4, 1791. — Ditto to Richard Littlepage of Hanover lot in 

Hanover Town. 
Aug. 4. 1 791. — Ditto to Geo. Pickett, of Richmond City, lot in 

Hanover Town. 
Aug. 6, 179 1. — Ditto to Nathan Anderson of Hanover lot in 

Hanover Town. 

William and Mary Quarterly 171 

Apr. 6, 1786. — Jno. Paisley & Martha his wife of St Paul Parish 
to Jno. Slaughter 15 a. adj. W m Peace, W m Hughes, 
Turner Slaughter. 

Feb. 28, 1786. — Jno. Paisley & Martha his wife to Hopewell 
Parsons 47 a. St Paul. 

Sept. 13, 1786. — Jno. Payne of Philadelphia app't Walter Payne 
his att'y: witness Isaac Winston, Lucy Winston. 

Oct. 3, 1791. — Isaac W r inston, Sr. (att'y for W. Temple Payne, 
late of Va. but now of Philadelphia) Jno. Payne & 
Alary his wife to Walter Coles of Hanover 176 a. being 
the land given by W m Coles dec d to his daughter Mary 
Payne, wife of s'd Jno. Payne, during life, & after to 
said William Temple Payne, adj. Chas Colley, Jno. 
Hicks, tract of late Paul Thilman dec d , Manor Tract 
where said W m Coles formerly lived & s'd Walter Coles 
now lives. 

Apr. 4, 1788. — Sam 1 Pearson & Susan his wife of Hanover to 
Hambleton Tomlinson 108 a. on road from New Castle 
to Pipentree Ferry. 

Mar. ,3, 1791. — Sam 1 Pearson & Susan his wife of Hanover to 
Jedediah Turner, Sr. 75 a. in lower Hanover on road 
from Williamsburg to New Castle where said road 
crosses W'hiting Swamp, adj. Cobbs, Hamilton, Tomlin- 
son, Piping tree road, s'd Jedediah Turner. 

Jany 1, 1789. — John Penny & Fanny his wife Stephen Hawes 
(Hanes) to \V m Fontaine of Hanover, lot at South 
Anna bridge formerly owned by Chas Carter, Esq. 

Nov. 4," 1786.— Stephen Pettus to W m Coles & Robt. Wasley 
of Louisa (negroes). 

Nov. 11, 1786. — Sarah Pollard of Hanover to John Thornton of 
Hanover 25 a. adj. Edmund Taylor & Ann Flumfres 
on Newfound River, a part of land Alsop Yarbrough 
dec d left his daughter Sara Pollard. 

Jan. 2J, 1790. — W m Pollard, Jr. of Hanover app'ts W m Meri- 
wether of Louisa his attorney in suit for land in Ken- 

172 William and Mary Quarterly 

June 21, 1787. — John Pomfret of Granville Co. N. C. app'ts 
Christopher Tompkins of King W m his att'y. 

Aug. 30, 1785. — Bird Price's receipt to Thos. Clarke for negroes. 

June 4, 1789. — Thos. Price & Barbara his wife of St Martin to 
Edmund Taylor 30 a. adj. Jno. Thornton, said Price & 
Taylor, Rattlesnake Branch, Newfound River. 

April 1, 1790. — Thos. Price & Barbary his wife to Nelson Berke- 
ley of Hanover 210 a. on "Cool Swamp," Newfound 
River & said Berkeley's. 
John Priddy and Rachel his wife, to Thomas Price 80 
acres, adj. William Dickinson, Henry H. Mallory, 

Apr. 7, 1784. — Thos. Priddy & Mary his wife to Henry Priddy 
10 a. "being same I sold him some time back, adj. where 
I now live." 

Mar. 4, 1785. — Penelleppey Price, relinquishment to sale, hus- 
band Geo. Priddy, made Nov. 6, 1784 to Parke Goodall 
83 a. 

Apr. 6, 1791. — Henry Priddy, of St. Paul's to Jas. Priddy 55 a. 
on Licking hole swamp (formerly held by Edw. Eng- 
, land) Jno. Priddy, Sr. 

Feb. 3, 1791. — Jno. Perkins & Mary his wife of Louisa Co. to 
Peter Bibbs of St Paul Hanover 100 a. adj. Jno. Winn, 
Jas. Baylis & x\mbrose King dec d . 

Aug. 2, 1 79 1. — Jas. Quinlan to Cary Wiatt both of Hanover lot 
in Hanover Town. 

Dec. 14, 1785.— Pettus Ragland & Elizabeth of St Paul Parish 
to Richard Littlepage 61 a. adj. Parke Goodall, Jas. 
Cross & Jos Hix (this land s'd Pettus Ragland bought of 
W m Hix.) 

Jan. 4, 1787. — \Y m Ragland & Mary his wife of St Paul to 
Parke Goodall 170 a. which land was given said W ra 
Ragland by his Father Pettus Ragland, & adj. the lands 
of his brother John Ragland & said Goodall, Jas. Cross, 
Jr., Matt Pate, Jno. Madderson. 
1787. — Jas. Hicks & Dorothy his wife; David Hanes & 
Finch Ragland to Pettus Ragland, Jas. Flicks tract 

William and Mary Quarterly 173 

of 94 a. adj. Pettus Ragland & also s'd Finch Ragland's 

tract Y2 a. adj. Jas. Cross. 
June 5, 1788. — Finch Ryland of St Paul's to Jas. Cross, Sr., 173 

a. on the pond & dam along the creek. 
Feb. 28, 1787.— Geo. Randall of King W m Merchant, to Robt. 

Hayes of Hanover merchant merchandize. 
Dec. 7, 1790. — Jno. K. Redd of New Kent to Thos. Tinsley for 

5 shillings — negro. 

July 5, 1785. — Collen Riddick, of New Castle town, to Isaac 
Brown of New Castle — lots in New Castle. . 

July 5, 1785. — Collen Reddock from Isaac Brown, merchant, 
of New Castle, lots in New Castle. 

Dec. 3, 1763. — Richard Richardson of Ablemarle to Isaac 
Burnett 3 a. adj. land s'd Richardson sold to Jno. Starke, 
Jr. adj. Frances Tate, Isaac Burnett. 

Dec. 3, 1783. — Richard Richardson of Albemarle to John Starke, 
Jr. in St Paul, wh. was formerly owned by Richard 
Richardson of New Kent & from him lent to his son 
Stanhope Richardson, of Hanover, & after his death 

6 death of his wife to his son David Richardson & from 
1 whom heired by said Richard Richardson, as heir of his 

brother David — 300 adj. pool or Pole-Green old field, 
Frances Tate, Isaac Burnett. 

Apr. 12, 1785. — Turner Richardson & Elizabeth Ellis of Cul- 
peper & Hanover to Benj. Oliver 81 a. on Beaver Dam 
creek (being the land Chas. Richardson bought of W m 

Nov. 4, 1784.- — John Richardson (only acting executor of Benj 
Tyree dec d ) 128 a. called Graham, South side Toto- 
potomoy creek, being same bequeathed to said Benj 
Tyree by his Father David & wh. said David bought 
of James Anthony, ' a^j. David ( Whitlock, formerly 
Charles Turner, Winston's Mill Swamp formerly Dr. 

May 17, 1785. — Robt. Richardson to Jno. Richardson both of 
Hanover for 300 a. (Rob 1 ' 9 Homestead) the land where- 
on said Jno. Richardson now lives, being the same 

174 William and Mary Quarterly 

land left said Rob 1 Richardson by his grandfather RolV- 
Depriest dec d on the creek & Peter Johnston's. 

June 3, 1786. — Rob 1 Richardson & Elizabeth (his wife?) of St 
Martin's to Chas Crenshaw 5 a. in St Paul on the road 
from Ground Squirrel road to Glen's Ordinary. 

July 1, 1787. — Turner Richardson, Sr. of Hanover to Thos 
Crenshaw, David Dickinson, W m Dickinson, Thos 
Richardson, Jos. Cross, Thos. Hinde, David Richardson, 
Jr. Henry Mallory & David Crenshaw, Taylor's Ordi- 

(To Be Continued.) 

William and Mary Quarterly 175 


By Rev. A. H. Hord, 

(Quarterly, XXL, 43, 115.) 


In the patent of Francis 1 Triplett, the immigrant, dated "the 
21st day of January, 1666," he is styled "Mr. Francis Triplett." 
Mr. Bruce states in his "Social Life of Virginia in the Seven- 
teenth Century," page 115, that "the term 'Mister' when it ap- 
pears in legal documents as a prefix to a name signifies that the 
person so designated was entitled to a higher degree of social 
consideration than was enjoyed by a mere yeoman." 

Among the headrights mentioned in this patent of Francis 
Triplett are Peter Jett, Will Jett, Peter Junior (Jett), Mary Jett, 
Mary Jett and Martha Jett. These people were probably the 
ancestors of the Jett family of King George County, one of 
whom, namely, John Jett, is believed to have married a daughter 
of Francis Triplett, the immigrant (see William and Mary 
Quarterly, Vol. XXL, page 38). 

The Jett family is believed to have come from London, and 
Francis Triplett, the immigrant, may also have been a resident 
of London. In the Parish Register of St. Vedast's Church, 
Foster Lane, Cheapside, London, is the following record : 
"August XX, 1570, marriage of Francis Triplett and Judith 

Triplett Arms. 

The following description of the arms of the Rev. Dr. Thomas 
Triplett is taken from the records of Westminster Abbey, "a 
hind courant regardant, shot through the neck with an arrow, 
a chief indented." No crest is given with these arms, and I am 
unable to find in Burke's General Armory or in any other work on 
heraldry to which I have access, the crest of the Triplett family 

176 William and Mary Quarterly 

of England. There is, however, a crest* engraved on an old piece 
of family silver which was formerly owned by the late William 
Stone Triplett, who was born August 28th, 181 5, and died August 
1st, 1863. The silver does not antedate the time of Mr. Triplett. 
This crest shows a pelican standing on the side of a nest with 
the heads of three little pelicans raised above the nest. This crest 
is also engraved on a ring which belonged to the late John 
Richards Triplett. 

The question arises, what is the origin of this crest, and why 
was it used by the Triplett family of Virginia? As stated above 
a crest is not given with the arms of the Reverend Doctor Thomas 
Triplett in the records of Westmister Abbey, nor have I been 
able to discover a Triplett crest in any work on heraldry. May 
not the Virginia crest have been derived from the old painting 
of the Triplett arms to which allusion has been made by me 
in the William and Mary Quarterly, Vol. XXL, p. 35, and 
which Judge George W. Triplett in his genealogical notes stated 
was lost before or during the Civil War. 

If this is not the origin of the Virginia crest, then I cannot 
account for its use by William Stone Triplett or form a conjec- 
ture as to where he obtained it. Moreover, the three pelicans 
commend it as the proper crest of the family of Triplett. The 
pelican in early Christian art was a symbol of charity. 

(45) Annie Triplett. It is stated in the William and Mary 
Quarterly, Vol. XXL, page 43, that ''Annie Triplett, believed 
to have been a daughter of Captain William 1 Triplett, (11) 
married Alexander Thorn. The authority for this statement was 
Dr. Slaughter's "History of St. Mark's Parish, Culpeper," re- 
vised and enlarged by Green, Part 2, page 84. This, however, is 
an error in Dr. Slaughter's "History." The wife of Alexandef 
Thorn was Elizabeth Triplett, as is proved by a family record 
in an old copy of the Presbyterian Confession of Faith, of the 
date of 1753. which was the property of Alexander Thorn, and 
which is still in the possession of his descendants.. I have been 

* Note — Through the kindness of Mrs. Thomas O. Price (nee Lizzie 
Triplett) I have obtained a copy of the cre^t of the Triplett family of 

William and Mary Quarterly 177 

permitted to examine this Thorn record through the kindness of 
Mr. DeCourcy W. Thorn, of Baltimore, a descendant of Alex- 
ander Thorn. The wife of Alexander Thorn seems to have been 
Elizabeth (38) Triplett in the foregoing genealogy, daughter of 
Francis 3 Triplett (William, 2 Francis 1 ). The reasons for this 
belief are, 1st, that Alexander Thorn married his wife in West- 
moreland County in which the family of Elizabeth Triplett (38) 
at one period resided; 2nd, that Elizabeth Triplett (38) had a 
brother Reuben Triplett and that Elizabeth (Triplett) Thorn 
named a son Reuben Triplett Thorn ; 3rd, that Elizabeth Triplett 
(38) was a descendant of Captain Simon Miller of Old Rappa- 
hannock County and sister of Col. Simon Triplett, and that Eliza- 
beth (Triplett) Thorn named another son Simon Miller Thorn. 

(27) Francis Triplett was Presiding Justice of Fauquier 
County, August 1789 (Order Book 1788-91, page 197). He 
was successively captain, major and colonel of the Cavalry Militia 
of Fauquier County in the Revolutionary War and participated in 
the Southern campaign (see in the Virginia State Library, 
Auditors Account Books VII., page 299; VIII. , page 242; 
XVIII. , page 164). He was the Major Triplett whom Congress 
presented with a sword for his services in the battle of the Cow- 
pens as shown in McAllister's ''Virginia Militia in the Revolu- 
tionary War," pages 31, 94, 171. 

(32) Simon Triplett. The records of Loudon County show 
that Simon Triplett moved to that county from King George 
in 1765, at which date he bought land in Loudon County and 
he bought 'many tracts after that time. He was was one of the 
first Justices of the County and the records show that he was a 
person of considerable prominence. The following letter from 
Colonel Simon Triplett to Colonel Leven Powell (published in 
''A Biographical Sketch of Colonel Leven Powell") was written 
in July, 1776: 

"Alexandria, Va., Sunday Eve., 6 o'clk. 

Dear Sir : About an hour ago arrived an express from Cedar 

Point which informs us that four ships (armed a capital one), 

one sloop and two tenders passed that place this morning about 

8 o'clock. The Scorpion and the Liberty were about ten miles 

i/8 William and Mary Quarterly 

ahead of them. It is thought they will not come further than 
Aquia tonight, but may be expected tomorrow, should they be 
destined for this place. It has been determined in Council to call 
150 of the Fairfax Militia which are as many as there can be 
arms provided for. The commanding officers of the Militia of 
Loudon and Prince William are to have notice to be in readiness 
to march at a moment's warning should they be wanting; but 
I am afraid for the want of arms, they will be of little use. 
Every step should be taken to remove that obstacle. But this is 
rather out of my way, as I am well assured Col. Peyton will 
exert himself on this occasion and you won't be backward, but 
if no more vessels come up than those we hear are on the road, 
I hope we shall not want you, provided my neighbor should not 
prove faulty. Lord Howe is most certainly arrived in New York, 
as there is a letter from Mr. Harrison who confirms it. He says 
there are at least 300 sail of vessels at that place, and that a go 
gun ship and a twenty run by the Fortress and though fired 
upon received very little damage. They are up the Hudson River 
nere forty miles. From their maner it is thought that they intend 
to force a communication between them and Burgoyne's Arm; . 
General Washington writes of the 19th inst. only six days ago. 
that he has not above 10,000 effective men, and that the internal 
enemy are more to be dreaded than the avowed, that the Congress 
had promised him 30,000 but he did not expect them in time, as 
they appear to be very slow in coming in. I wish all may go well 
in that quarter. Much, I think, depends upon it. 

I am D'r Sir, your most obd't servt. 

Simon Triplett." 

Colonel Simon Triplett's will was proved in Loudon County 
May nth, 1810, and dated Feb. 22nd, 1805. It is a very interest- 
ing will. He bequeaths a tract of land in Kentucky, ten miles 
from Lexington ; another tract in the Illinois grant, Northwestern 
Territory, opposite the falls of the Ohio ; the plantation on which 
he lived and lots in Leesburg; mentions wife Martha, sons Wil- 
liam H., Simon, Philip. James Lane; daughters Katharine. 
Lucinda, Susannah Adams ; granddaughters Polly and Alice Tay- 

William and Mary Quarterly 179 

lor. Executors ''beloved brother Reuben Triplett," son James 
Lane Triplett and "dear and true friend Burr Powell." 

(34) Francis Triplett. In Loudon County is the will of a 
Francis Triplett, probably of this Francis Triplett (34), dated 
May g } 182 1, and proved June 12, 1823. He is described in the 
will as of "Leesburg, Loudon County." He bequeaths the house 
and lot in Leesburg where he lives to daughter Nancy Triplett 
who was in ill health, and he mentions sons Thomas, John, 
Nathaniel, Daniel, Francis, William; daughter Charlotte Smith; 
granddaughters Catharine and Charlotte Davis. Executor son 
Francis Triplett. 

Of the sons mentioned in this will it appears in the Loudon 
County records that John Triplett sold land to William Cline in 
181 1 ; Thomas Triplett bought land in 181 1 and died in Loudon 
County 1 81 8 leaving no will. : 

(35) Reuben Triplett mentioned as "beloved brother," in the 
will of Colonel Simon Triplett, proved in Loudon County May 
11, 1810. The records of Loudon County show that Reuben 
Triplett died in Loudon in 1820 leaving no will. 

(6o t ) Dr. William Harrison Triplett is mentioned in the will 
of his father Col. Simon Triplett, proved May 11, 1810. He 
married Catharine 6 Alexander daughter of John 5 Alexander. 
John 5 Alexander was son of Colonal William 4 Alexander (Cap- 
tain Philip, 3 Philip 2 John 1 ) of Stafford County, 1659 (see the 
Alexander pedigree in Hayden's "Virginia Genealogies," pp. 
J 92-3)- 

English Notes of Triplett. 

The following data is from very full notes collected by Mr. 
DeCourcy W. Thorn, of Baltimore, which he has kindly per- 
mitted me to copy: 

Francis Triplett, of Exeter, in Devonshire; will dated 1754. 
(Probate Registry of Exeter.) 

Sept. 24, 1794, will of Francis Triplett. 

John Triplett — time Henry Vlll. ("Valor Ecclesiasticus," 
Vol. 2, p. 403.) 

180 William and Mary Quarterly* 

A letter to Archbishop Laud, dated March 31, 1640. En- 
closed in this letter is one from R. Triplett, father of the Rev. 
Dr. Thomas Triplett, mentioning another son, Matthew Triplett. 
(Calendar of State Papers Domestic 1640, page 51). 

Another letter to Archbishop Laud, June 25, 1640. (Calendar 
of State Papers Domestic 1640, page 346.) 

"Thomas Triplett, of London, Gentleman/* matriculated at 
Oxford, 16 March, 1620-21. (Oxford University Register, Vol. 
II., Part III., p. 409; also Oxford Historical Society, Vol. XL) 

The Rev. Thomas Triplett was dismissed from his rectorship 
at Whitburn during the Civil War (time of Charles 1st) because 
he was in sympathy with the King's cause, and he taught school 
for a time in the south of England. "After ye King's restoration 
Mr. Triplett was made a Doctor in Divinity and Prebendarv of 
Westminster Abbey." (See the end of Vol. II. of the Parish 
Register of Whitburn.) 

Edward Triplett was a "privileged person of the University" 
(Oxford) July, 1587. (University Register, Vol. II., pp. 81-394.) 

Edmund Triplett, a witness to the will of William Sharpe, 
County Huntingdon, May 24, 1641. 

John Triplett of Plymouth, Mariner, Administration Bond, 
1752. (Probate Registry of Exeter.) 

John Triplett of St. Sidewell's, Administration Bond, 1752. 
(Probate Registry of Exeter.) 

"Samuel Triplett, Bailiff, of the Three Hundreds of Chilharn, 
and others are appointed collectors of ship money May 8, 1639." 
(Calendar of State Papers.) 

Henry Triplett of Hampton Gay. (State Papers Domestic, 
1595-7, page 319.) 

Ralph Triplett of Breadstreet, London, 1640, is mentioned in 
a list of the "Best Men in the Ward." ("Miscellanea Genealogica 
et Heraldica," Vol. II., 2nd Series, page 37.) 

"Henry Triplett, Citizen, of Oxford," Nov. 27, 1561. 
(Register University of Oxford, Vol. II., p. 1.) 

Thomas Triplett and Mary Daniel married (Faculty Office 
April 14, 1691). 


William and Mary Quarterly 181 

Anne Triplett, May 4, 1619, married William Mylls of St. 
Botolph, London. 

William Triplett and Elizabeth Smyth married January 28, 
1569. (St. Botolph, Bishopsgate, London.) 

Robert Triplett, Beer-brewer, of Islington, writer of a 
"Letter of Advice," Jan. 18, 1629. 

Robert Triplett is mentioned in the will of John Ditchfield, of 
Bold, Feb. 22, 1643. 

Margery Triplett married Augustine Fairchild. (St. Dun- 
stan's, Stepney, Jan. 6, 1630.) f 

John Triplett, Mariner, married Margery Swaine, of Lime, 
in Dorset, Feb. 6, 1630. (Register of St. Dunstan's Stepney, 
Vol. I.) 

John Taylor married Elizabeth Triplett Oct. 11, 1747. (All 
Saints, Maidstone.) 

Edward Triplett of Thame, Yeoman, married x\lice Cooke, 
of Thame, Spinster. Marriage Bond July 21, 1698. (Arch- 
deaconry Papers, Bodleian Library.) 

Richard Triplett 1689-90 mentioned in " Woods Life and 

The following English notes, with others mentioning Francis 
Triplett and referred to in the beginning of this article, were 
collected by A. H. Hord : 

Sept. 10, 1687, Elizabeth Triplett married Jonathan Brown. 

Mary Ann Triplett married to William Crabb of Saltash (date 

Oct. 6, 161 7, Ann Triplett of St. Dunstan's in the East 
London/ the widow of Robert Triplett, married to Francis Earls- 
field. • 

June 25, 1567, Thomas Triplett married Alicia Sutton. 

Oct. 19, 1659, burial of Elizabeth Triplett. 

Dec. 4, 1619, burial of Elizabeth Triplett, daughter of Aaron 

April 17, 1608 Robert Triplett married Ann Addison (Tintagel 
Marriage Register). 

182 William and Mary Quarterly 




By Arthur Leslie Keith, Northfield, Minn. 

The following notes consist almost wholly of unpublished 
records. They are quite fragmentary and incomplete, but through 
fear of the accidents of time I am led to put them in permanent 
form. While I cannot vouch for their entire accuracy, I believe 
they are substantially correct. 

Several years ago Thomas McCarty Murdock, of Davidson, 
Harrison County, Ind., loaned me some old papers that had been 
in his family for many years. The oldest of these papers was 
a letter written on the two sides of a foolscap paper, the upper 
half of which is lost. Of the remaining half, part is undecipher- 
able. It is signed by William Hard wick (sic) and one page is 
apparently intended for his sister, Susanna McCarty (grand- 
mother of Mr. Murdock) and the other half for her husband, 
Cornelius McCarty. I shall quote the significant portions with 
my own comments in brackets : 

"Your stepfather [William Turley] whom your mother [the 
word your suggests that her mother was not his; perhaps they 
were only half-brother and sister] married moved up to goose 
creek near Rectortown [Virginia]. On my return I found you, 
brother John and Sister Elizabeth playing in the negro house 
which was the first time I ever saw you [somewhat confirms the 
conjecture that he was an older half-brother]. I lived wit!? 
William Turley that winter and in the spring of the year I parted 
with you and our poor brother John — who is no more and in 
the year 1783 in the faul (sic) was the last time I ever saw you. 
Neither did I hear that you were married [interesting as show- 
ing how effectually distance divided in those days ; his sister 
had been married twenty-four years] until Ellen Kincheloe 
wrote to me last winter and as our stations are so far apart I 

William and Mary Quarterly 183 

expect that I shall never see you again. Our niece Ellen Kinche- 
loe [Elizabeth Hardwick mentioned above married a Kincheloe] 
informed me * * * We have five sons and four daughters, 
been married 35 years the 26th day of next June [the date of the 
letter is lost but was probably 181 1, as I make it out below, henct 
William Hardwick probably married in 1776-7] and have never 
had a death in our family. Old Sarah the negro that nursed me is 
still with me * * * 500 miles separate us [she in what 
is now Meade County, Ky., and he near Louisville, Georgia] 

* * * I pray for my two sisters that is (sic) .parted from 

The other page is intended for his brother-in-law, Cornelius 
McCarty. "that you had moved from Fauquier County, Vir- 
ginia to Kentucky in Harden (sic) near Elizabethtown [Meade 
was later formed from Hardin] and that you with your wife 
and one of your children had embraced religion * * * I 
became a Methodist in 1788 and in 1792 went into the ministry 
and for nineteen years [whence I infer the date of the letter as 
181 1 ] have been trying to persuade sinners. My son William 
P. Hardwick (sic) having business in Kentucky * * * is a 
good surveyor but makes no pretension of religion — I have di- 
rected him to hand you this letter * * * Methodist Church 
flourishing in Georgia. We live near Louisville near our eldest 
son Garland Hardwick (sic) * * * if we cannot get ac- 
quainted personally [had probably never met his brother-in-law] 

* * * " 

The William P. Hardwick mentioned in the above letter is un- 
doubtedly identical with the great-grandfather of the Hon. 
Thomas W. Hardwick, member of Congress from Georgia, who 
gives me the following data. "My great-grandfather was Wt»- 
liarn Park Hardwick who lived near Louisville, Georgia. He 
married Sarah Baker Cheatham about 1820. My grandfather 
was Thomas William Hardwick who married Mary Elizabeth 
Davis in 1848, and my father was Robert William Hardwick who 
married Z emu la Schley Matthews in 1870." 

Another letter loaned to me by Mr. Murdoek is dated Decem- 
ber 30, 1 81 7, but is unsigned. It is addressed to aunt Susan 

184 William and Mary Quarterly 

[McCarty] and speaks of a visit from uncle Cornelius [McCarty] 
who is to bear the letter. The writer sends a message to her 
uncle Sampson [Turley] and mentions her sisters Louisa ana 
Polly who send gifts to Peggy and Nancy. The writer sends a 
gift to Elon (sic) [the connection implies that she is the writer's 
namesake]. Little Emily sends gifts to Effalina (sic). Men- 
tions the great distance between them and her expectation that 
they shall never meet again. I think this letter was written on 
the occasion of a visit of Cornelius McCarty to the Kincheloes 
in Virginia. Peggy, Nancy, Eleanor and Evalina, who receive 
gifts, are his four daughters. 

From Mr. Murdock I received a deed dated Dec. 23, 1816 
between Cornelius McCarty and Susannah his wife late susannah 
Harridge (sic) of Hardin Co., Ky on the one part and James 
Kincheloe of Fauquier Co., Va., on the other part. They sell 200 
acres in Fauquier Co., Va., that had been purchased by Margaret 
Hardridge (sic) while a widow of Thomas Glasscock, which said 
Margaret afterwards intermarried with William Turley who is 
now tenant of said tract by the curtesy of said Susannah being 
one of the children of the said Margaret by her first marriage. 
This deed is apparently not recorded in Fauquier Co or else- 
where so far as I can ascertain. 

Reliable tradition makes the above Margaret an Orear, 
Cornelius had a son named Enos Orear McCarty. Tier family 
history may probably be reconstructed as follows : 

Margaret Orear, born about 1745, md. 1st Hard- 
wick (who was probably a widower with son William) and had 
Susanna Hardwick, wife of Cornelius McCarty ; John Hard- 
wick; Elizabeth Hardwick, wife of James Kincheloe. Margaret 
md 2nd. William Turley and had Sampson Turley and others. 
There is an unconfirmed tradition that the mother of the above 
Elizabeth Hardwick was a Glasscock, a sister of George Glass- 
cock. If this tradition is to be accepted I can explain it only on 
the hypothesis that she was but a half-sister of Susannah who 
md McCarty and a daughter of Hardwick by a first mar- 

I find various Turley items. John Turley was a vestryman of 
Truro Parish, 1749-56. James and John Turley appear on a list 

William and Mary Quarterly 185 

of voters at an election in Fairfax Co. Va., in 1744. Sampson 
Turley, Lt., an inhabitant of Fairfax Co. was paid a claim in 
1756. John Turley and Susanna Squires were granted license 
to marry in Fauquier Co., Va., Mch. 18, 1783. James Turley of 
Va. was in 1835 a pensioner for Revolutionary services. Harve 
Turley, living in 1907 at Congdon, Indiana, at an advanced age, 
was a grandson of William and Margaret Orear Turley. Samp- 
son Turley who lived with the McCartys in Ky. seems to have 
been unmarried. 

There are numerous Hardwick (Hardridge) references in 
early Virginia history. Col. Wm. Hardwick and Margaret, dau. 
of Col. Nathaniel Pope, circa 1660? Wm. Hardidge Gent, and 
wife Frances had daughter Elizabeth, born 1678, died 1722, who 
md Henry Ashton. William Hardwick md Elizabeth Sturman, 
dau. of Thomas Sturman prior to 1645 (apparently the same 
Hardwick who later married Margaret Pope), and had son Wm. 
Hardwick. Christopher Hardwick in Goochland Co.. Va., in 
1739. Haswell (also Hasel ) Hardwick and Mary Northcutt md 
in Overwharton Parish about 1750 had Ann born Jan. 4, 1752; 
William, born Sept. 5, 1753; Elizabeth, born Sept. 8, 1755. 
[Possibly this William is identical with the one married in 
1776-/] . I have not proved these Hardwicks of the same family 
referred to above. 

License to marry was granted in Fauquier Co. Va., on Dec. 
12, 17S7, to Cornelius McCarthy (sic) and Snkey Hardwick; on 
Oct. 9, 1787, to Archibald Glasscock and Hannah Kincheloe; on 
Dec. 7, ,1790, to James Kincheloe and Elizabeth Hardwick. The 
Glasscpck-Kincheloe marriage is mentioned as affording a pos- 
sible explanation of the Glasscock connection preserved by tradi- 
tion among the descendants of the Kincheloe-Hardwick marriage. 

An extended account of the Kincheloe family appears in the 
Baltimore Sun of Dec. 29, 1907, which is .the main source of my 
information on this family. The first of the name was probably 
John Kincheloe of Prince William Co., Va., who md. Margaret 
Foote, dau of George Foote. John Kincheloe died prior to Sept. 
26, 1764. He had children John; Margaret, who md George 
Foote of Fauquier Co. ; and probably others. John Kincheloe, 

186 William and Mary Quarterly 

Jr., had George, Elijah and James Kincheloe, who md Elizabeth 
Hardwick in 1790. James Kincheloe and Elizabeth had Brandt, 
Hardwick, Eleanor Kincheloe and others [Louisa and Polly?]. 
Brandt was the father of Julius, died May, 1867; Wm. James, 
born 1836; Wickliffe, d Sept. 22, 1862; and Robert W. P. 
Kincheloe of Rectortown, Va. Hardwick was the father of John 
W. Kincheloe of Rectortown, Va. Possibly another son of John 
Kincheloe, the emigrant, was William Kincheloe, born May 26, 
1736, died in Nelson Co., Ky., in 1797. He md Molly White, 
born Feb. 9, 1744, died Nov. 21, 1831. They had Thomas, Peggy, 
Stephen, Molly, Lewis, Clarissa, Elias, Sally and William 
Kincheloe. There was also a connection between the Kincheloe 
and Wickliffe families. One Nathaniel Wickliffe, late of Prince 
William County, Va., died intestate in Nelson Co., Ky., in 1790, 
and his land passed to his next of kin, namely, John Kincheloe ; 
Daniel Kincheloe ; Cornelius Kincheloe and wife Dorcas ; Robert 
Kincheloe ; William Wheatley and wife Elizabeth ; Presley Smith 
and wife Nancy; Joshua Ferguson and wife Mary; Arrington 
Wickliffe; Moses Wickliffe; Robert Wickliffe and wife Sarah; 
and Henry Davis and wife Mary. The Kincheloe heirs are the 
children of Daniel Kincheloe and wife Sukey [Wickliffe?]. Said 
Daniel who may have been a son of the emigrant John, died in 
Fairfax Co., Va., about 1785, leaving John; Daniel (born 1750) ; 
Elizabeth Prince (md Wm. Wheatley?); Nancy (md Presley 
Smith?) ; Sarah Wickliffe; Mary (md Joshua Ferguson?) ; Cor- 
nelius ; Robert ; Nestor ; Hector ; and Jesse Kincheloe. 

Nathaniel Wickliffe who died in 1790 was the son of Elija.i 
Wickliffe and had brothers Moses, Aaron, Robert, Charles ; 
sister Sarah, Sukey (md Daniel Kincheloe?), and one other.. 

In regard to the McCarty family much has already been pub- 
lished by Flayden in his Virginia Genealogies, in the William 
and Mary Quarterly, passim and elsewhere. The following 
items have probably not been published before : 
Thadeus McCarty of Loudoun Co., Va., makes will Aug. 4, 1812, 
probated Dec. 14, 1812, wherein he mentions wife Sarah Eliza- 
beth ; children Dennis, William R. ; George Washington ; Saran 
E. Russell; and Mary McCarty. Mentions land on Goose Creek. 

William and Mary Quarterly 187 

This Thaddeus was undoubtedly the son of Dennis McCarty 
who in 1724 md Sarah Ball (see Hayden) and died about 1743. 
Thaddeus MeCarty md April 20, 1768 to Sarah Richardson, the 
marriage taking place, according to tradition in the home of 
George Washington, who was related to the McCartys through 
the Balls. This Thaddeus must be distinguished from Thad- 
deus McCarty, sen'r who with wife Ann sold land in Loudoun 
Co., Va., on Oct. 8, 1773, which said Ann had inherited from 
Rawleigh Chinn, her father. This Thaddeus was a cousin of 
the other and is identical with Thaddeus McCarty who in Lan- 
caster Co., Ya., on May 19, 1758, was granted license to marry 
Ann Chinn, with William Glasscock, Jr., signing as security. Said 
Thaddeus was born April 1, 1739, and was the son of Billington 

In Prince William Co., Va., on Nov. 20, 1733, Alexander 
McCarthy bought land of Ben Grayson, lying on Goose Creek. 
On Aug. 8, 1749, Cornelius McCarthy bought land of B. Ewell. 
I have not yet ascertained how these Prince William McCarthys 
connect with the ones last referred to or with Cornelius McCarty 
who in 1787 md Susannah Hardwick ; or how this last Cornelius 
with his brother Thomas and his sisters Nancy and Betsy con- 
nect, if at all, with Thaddeus, Dennis and Billington. Tradi- 
tional connection with the Glasscock family and Goose Creek 
suggests that there was a relationship. Betsy, sister of Cornelius, 
md a McConathy and is buried in the McConathy family bury- 
ing-ground near Lexington, Ky., and in the same place is buried 
Daniel McCarty Paine and the younger generations preserve a 
tradition of a close intimacy between the McConathy and Paine 
families in early times. The connection between the Paine and 
the Daniel-Dennis-Thaddeus McCarty line goes back to a very 
early beginning. 

Cornelius McCarty was born about 1766 (md in 1787 and not 
yet 45 in 1810). With his wife Susannah and family he re- 
moved to Fayette Co., Ky., in about 1797. In 1809 he is found 
on Otter Creek, Hardin Co., Ky., (now Meade). He made will 
Sept. 20, 1830, probated in Meade Co., Ky., Feb. 28, 1831. His 
wife Susannah died about 1854 at the age of 87, therefore born 
about 1767. 

188 William and Mary Quarterly 

They reared a large family, as follows: I. Margaret, md 
Samuel Lane, July 15, 1811 [dates of marriage given are in many 
cases the dates of the issuance of the license] and had Cornelius ; 
Thomas ; James ; Samuel ; Susannah ; Ellen ; Mary ; and Margaret 
Lane who md Jackson (she was still living a few years ago at 
Topeka, Kansas, aged above 90 years). 2. Aaron Hardridge 
McCarty, born 1792, died 1889 md Nancy Beaver, Dec, 1814, 
and had Elizabeth (md Humphrey Wyatt) ; Susan (md Henry 
Sandy) ; Evelyn (md Wm. Sandy) ; Cornelius (md Melissa 

Combs) ; Margaret (md 1st John Asher 2nd Lundy) ; 

Aaron (md his first cousin Mary McCarty dau. of William) ; 
Beckie (md John Evans) ; Kitty (md Till Hampton) ; Most^ 
(md Dora Morris) ; and James McCarty, died single. 3. Wil- 
liam McCarty, born 1799, died Mch. 16, 1880, md July 13, 1824, 
to Sophia Bentley born July 4, 1802 died 1873, an ^ nac * Susan 
Jane; Mary Ellen (md her cousin Aaron McCarty) ; George, 
died Dec. 22, 1875; Harvey, died Jan. 1, 1870; John; Levi; 
Newton; and Sarah McCarty. 4. Nancy McCarty md Middleton 
Dawson, Nov. 13, 1817, and had John Calvin; Cornelius M. ; 
Wm. Hopkins ; Theophilus ; Mannasseh ; Mary Wade ; Margaret ; 
Susannah ; Martha Jane ; Annis Evaline ; Ellen ; and Nancy Daw- 
son. 5. Enos Orear McCarty md Artemisia Dawson, July 16, 1819. 
He moved to Lagroe, Wabash Co., Ind., died about 1852. They 
had Thomas Bozeley, one time State Auditor of Indiana (md a 
widow Lavina Oldham; no issue; he died in 1875) ; Susan (md 
Samuel Anthony); Priscilla, died young; Cornelius Rilev (md 
Elizabeth Rowan) ; Emma (md Thomas Randall) ; Enos 
(started to California about 1850 and never heard of again) ; 
John; Laura (md 1st Boston, 2nd Foxworthy, 3rd Blood); 
Anna (md James Burke) ; William (md Anna Burke) ; 
Jennie (md David Tyner) ; and Julia McCarty, died single, Jan., 
1906. 6. Manassah McCarty md Lydia Worthington and moved 
to Texas. They had Thomas ; James ; Evaline ; Lovicia ; and 
Joann McCarty. 7. James McCarty md 1st Rebecca Murdock, 
Aug. 25, 1827, and had James Llardwick McCarty, born May 9, 
1831, died Dec. 18, 1903, father of Judge Wm. M. McCarty, of 
Salt Lake City ; James McCarty md 2nd Lucinda Brown and 
had Susannah; Emarine; William; and Cornelius McCartv, 

William and Mary Quarterly 189 

killed in the battle of Nashville. 8. Eleanor McCarty md Richard 
Moreland, no issue. 9. Evaline McCarty md William D. Mur- 
dock, Sept. 19, 1833, and had Thomas McCarty (of Davidson, 
Indiana) ; Susannah H. ; Rebeccca M. ; Laura E. ; Nancy E. ; and 
James W. Murdock. 10. Thomas McCarty, died single (?). 11. 
John Calvin McCarty, died single before 1832. 

We take up next Thomas McCarty, an older brother of Cor- 
nelius. His family Bible shows that he married Elizabeth 

on Dec. 5, 1777. He came with Cornelius to Fayette Co., Ky., 
about 1797 and in 1809 was on Otter Greek. He died Feb. 23. 
1828, and his wife Elizabeth died in 1836. Aside from the dates 
of birth of his twelve children, which will be given below, the 
family Bible has a few other records which will be noted first: 
Nancy McCarty, mother of Thomas McCarty, died April 18, 
1813. We shall present some conjectures as to her maiden name 

John Crook was born Jan. 20, 1789. This is his sister's son 
who was reared in his home, apparently having been left an 
orphan. Strother Lee, born July 29, 181 2. Elizabeth Jane Lee, 
born May 26, 1814. Jemima Ann Lee, born Jan. 14/1818. These 
are the children of Sarah McCarty, dau of Thomas, who md 
William Lee. It is not apparent why these grandchildren and 
not the others, should be recorded in Thomas McCarty's Bible. 
We now give the twelve children of Thomas McCarty: 1. Ann 
McCarty, born Jan. 1, 1780, md Feb. 15, 1798, to John Jewen. 
He was closely related to William Jewell, born Jan. 1, 1789, in 
Loudoun Co., Va., founder of William Jewell College and his 
sister IJannah Jewell who md Charles Hardin, father of the Hon. 
Charles Flenry Hardin, born July 15, 1820, died" July 29, 1892, 
one time Governor of Missouri. John Jewell and Ann McCarty, 
his wife, had Asa Hickman, born Dec. 9, 179S; Emily, born 
Jan. 9, 1800 (md James Higbee) ; Elisha, born July 2j t 1801 ; 
Moses, born Oct. 15, 1803; Elizabeth, born April 14, 1805; 
Artimesia Cloud, born Feb. 7, 1807 (Cold Friday) ; John, born 
May 9, 1812; Liza Jane, born Nov. 23, 1813: Sallie W. Jewell, 
born Jan. 15, 1819. 2. James McCarty, son of Thomas and 
Elizabeth, was born Oct. ly, 1781, died Feb. 16, 1842. He md 

190 William and Mary Quarterly 

Nancy Lusk who died Feb. 21, 1865. They had Elizabeth 
McCarty, born 1803, died 1865, who md 1st Wm. McMurtry, 2nd 
Wm. Hamilton Smith, 3rd George Stevenson ; Mary Rose, born 
April 9, 1805, died Jan. 26, 1893. She md Sept. 13, 1827 to 
Lewis Withers, born Dec. 5, 1799, died Oct. 2, 1882; James 
Warder who md 1st Vizona Lusk, May, 1837; 2nd Mrs. Margaret 
Algood; Warner Washington McCarty, born i8u, died 1895 
single. 3. Margaret McCarty, daughter of Thomas and Eliza- 
beth, was born May 31, 1783, md Gideon Kelley and had Thomas 
who md his cousin Artimesia Jewell ; Mary who md Jacob 
Shafner; Martha Kelley who md David Shafner, brother of 
Jacob ; and perhaps others. 4. Jane McCarty, daughter of 
Thomas and Elizabeth, was born May 11, 1786, died Nov. 9, 
1873. She md Asa Chambers, born Jan. 2, 1785, died Oct. 18, 
1832. They had James McCarty Chambers who md Mary Pate; 
Endomile C, born Nov. 2, 1807, died Nov. 29, 1872, md David 
Partlow, born Feb. 4, 1802, died 1852; Asa Windsor; and 
Thomas Chambers, born April 24, 181 7, died Mch. 19, 1875, md 
his second cousin Jane S win ford, daughter of Betsy Crook 
Swinford, daughter of James and Nancy McCarty Crook. 5. 
Elizabeth McCarty, daughter of Thomas and Elizabeth, was born 
May 17, 1788, died Oct. 1, 1823. She md John Todd Lusk, 
brother of Nancy who md James McCarty. They had Thomas 
Huston who md Nancy Higbee ; Vizona Nevitt, born Mch. 25, 
181 5, died Nov. 13, 1855, an d md her double cousin James 
Warder McCarty; and George Williams Lusk, born Mch. 21, 
1818, died July 14, 1895. 6. Sarah McCarty, daughter of Thomas 
and Elizabeth, was born July 5, 1790 and md William Lee. For 
her children, see above. 7. Jemima McCarty, daughter of 
Thomas and Elizabeth, was born Mch. 25, 1793, and md James 
Dawson, April 24, 1826, and had Newton Dawson and perhaps 
others. 8. Polly McCarty, daughter of Thomas and Elizabeth, 
was born May 29, 1796, and md Wm. Mahan and had Eliza- 
beth; Thomas; Ellen; and Albert Mahan. 9. Susannah McCarty. 
daughter of Thomas and Elizabeth, was born July 5, 1798, died 
about 1866. She md Stephen Steele (son of Thomas and Susan 
Parcutte Steele) who died about 1858. They had a large family 

William and Mary Quarterly 191 

to whom they applied names very curiously. It was the father's 
original intention to give his sons names beginning with the letter 
A and his daughters names beginning with Z. He almost suc- 
ceeded. The children were as follows : Zerelda, died single 
at age of 22; Alphonso P. born Apr. 9, 1817, died at Mexia. 
Texas, July 8, 191 1; he md Mary Ann Powell, Sept. 28, 1838 
(see below for account of him) ; Zorada, md John Gray; Zerena, 
md James Lecompt ; Zelinda, md Isaac Rea ; Alvorado P. born 
about 1825, died 1886, md Rebecca Reed; Alvaro, died young; 
Alvin, died single in Texas about 1865; Alexis (said also to have 
gone by the name of Thomas) died in 1873 ; and Angeline Steele, 
who seems to have died young. Alphonso Steele, born 181 7, 
died 191 1, referred to above was for many years the last survivor 
of the battle of Sanjacinto, fought in 1836, whereby Texas 
achieved her independence. In this battle he did effective service 
and was severely wounded. In his honor the legislature of 
Texas placed in the capitol at Austin, a life-size portrait of him. 
At his death he had 170 descendants, most of whom were living. 
10. Keziah (Kizzie), McCarty, daughter of Thomas and Eliza- 
beth, born July 23, 1801, md Wilson. 11. Nelly Stone- 
street, daughter of Thomas and Elizabeth, born Sept. 4, 1803, 
md Charles Ihrie, May, 1824, and had but one child, Mary Eliza- 
beth Ihrie, born Mch. 20, 1826, died Oct. 10, 1909, at Fox Lake, 
Wisconsin. She md Dr. F. A. Wallace. 12. George William 
McCarty, second son and youngest child of Thomas and Elizabeth, 
was born Feb. 17, 1806, died Aug. 1, 1833. He md Elizabeth 
Greer, Mch., 1826, and had Albert and Thomas McCarty. 

(To be continued.) 

192 William and Mary Quarterly 


Dr Sir, 

I received your favour sometime past and should have an- 
swered it ere this, but was anxious to serve you if it was possible. 
I find on the strictest enquiry, both before and since the receipt 
of your letter that there are no such person to be found in this 
place. I have examined the directory where the name and abode of 
every citizen is taken down. I will continue my enquiries and if 
I sho[uld] still be unsuccessful, you will [return?] the papers 

entrusted to my care by Col who leaves this in three or 

four weeks. 

Congress are at present on the Land Office Bill. The Excise 
Bill was yesterday sent down from the Senate with a number of 
amendments, and of course the Eastern Party are very much dis- 
pleased. It is supposed it will not be reconsidered this session. It 
would give me pleasure to visit your old City where I may justly 
say I have spent many agreeable days. Should you at any time 
find a leisure moment, it will give me Infinite satisfaction to hear 
from you. 

Yours with esteem 

U. Beale 

Please remember me to Mr. Nicholson, W. L. and all en- 
quiring Friends. U. B. 

1 This letter is moth eaten where the place and date should be. 

William and Mary Quarterly 


By Alfred J. Morrison, Hampden-Sidney, Va. 

In Quarterly, Vol. XXII., p. 139, reference is made to WT- 
liam Pitt Hunt and his children, of whom very little seems to ■ e 
known by the statement. 

William P. Hunt married a daughter of Colonel Joel Watkins, 
of Charlotte County, Va., one of the first trustees of Hampden- 
Sidney College. Their son Thomas P. Tlunt was brought up b) 
his stepfather, Dr. Moses Hoge, President of Hampden-Sidney 
College 1807-1S20. Dr. Hoge married the widow of William P. 
Hunt, in the year 1S03. Thomas P. Hunt was a minister of the 
Presbyterian Church and well known as a temperance lecturer ; 
there is a portrait of him at the Presbyterian Historical Societ 
in Philadelphia. Air. Hunt at one time owned Dr. Green way '« 
copy (very much annotated by Dr. G.), of Gronovius's Flora 
Virginica. This book he presented to the Library of Congress. 
Mr. Qreenway (General Winfield Scott's grandfather) was a 
botanist of note, and this text and notes should be completely 

(See Foote's Sketches of Virginia, I. ^562; Autobiography cf 
Thomas P. Hunt, Wilkesbarre, Pennsylvania, 1901, pp. 1-23.) 

194 William and Mary Quarterly 


The will of Samuel Allen dated Jan. 4, 1774 ,\vas proved in 
Goochland County, Sept. 26, 1774. It names sons Archer, Samuel, 
Field and daughters Mary, Elizabeth Jefferson, Judah Murray, 
Patty Field Daniel, Obedience Townes, Frances and Ann, wife 
Martha and son-in-law William Daniel. Witnesses Stephen 
Woodson, Lucy Woodson, George Barker, William Towns. 

Will of Archer Allen, son of Samuel Allen, dated January 
24, 181 1, was proved, in Prince Edward County and names sons 
William A. Allen, Samuel Allen, James Allen, Daniel Allen, John 
A. Allen, Merit Allen and Cary C. Allen ; daughter Elizabeth 
Langhorn, granddaughter Elizabeth S. Ford and wife Elizabeth. 
Witnesses Richard Allen, Francis Anderson, Baker Legrand. 

In the Prince Edward Co. Court Books there is a record ot 
Major Maurice Langhorn having been paid for taking supplies 
to Major Archer Allen, in command of State troops, and to Rich- 
ard Allen in command of county troops. The following records 
from the Family Bible relate to Major Archer Allen: 

Archer Allen, born 6th April, 1741 ; departed this life 26th da} 
of January, 181 1. 

Elizabeth Allen born 6th May. 1751 ; died 12th October, 1823. 

William Archer Alien born 7th August, 1774. 

Salley Allen, born 15th August, 1776. 

Samuel Allen, born 12th May, 1778. 

James Allen born 5th September, 1780. 

John Archer Allen born 27th May, 1782. 

Daniel Allen born 20th January, 17S5. 

Elizabeth Allen born 3rd June, 1787. 

Merit Allen born 1st July, 1789. 

Cary Calvin Allen born 22nd August, 1792. 

Elizabeth Salley Ford born 27th April, 1798. 

Salley Ford departed this life the 22nd day of September, 1798 

William and Mary Quarterly 195 

"Ages of my Fathers Family.'* 

•Mary H. Allen born May 15th, 1695; died March 8th, 1763. 

Ann Allen born 19th January, 1721. 

William H. Allen born 7th' May, 1724. 

John Allen born 27th March, 1726; died 27th June, 1754. 

Mary Allen born 13th March, 1727; died 25th August, 1732. 

Valentine Allen born 29th April, 1730; died 17th Sept., 1799. 

Susanna Allen born 8th February, 1732. 

George H. Allen born 10th April, 1734; died 13th Dec, 1778. 

Mary Allen born 7th February, 1738. 

Phillip Allen born 22nd May, 1740; died 8th March, 1763. 

Mary Allen born 31st August, 1738. 

Elizabeth Allen born 17th December, 1739. 

Archer Allen born 6th April, 1741. 

Judith Allen born 22nd Sept., 1743. 

William Allen born 30th April, 1745. 

Patty Field Allen born 25th Aug., 1746. 

Obedience Allen born 1st March, 1747. 

Samuel Allen born 8th November, 1750. 

Francis Allen born 25th February, 1752. 

Field Allen born 26th October, 1754. 

Ann Allen born 24th December, 1760. 

Copied from records found in the old Family Bible of Maj. 
Archer Allen and wife Elizabeth. This Bible now the property of 
William Archer Chambers, Richmond, Va. 

Henry Archer Allen, Jr. 

February 26th, 191 3. 

This Allen family appears to have resided first in New Kent 
Co., then in Henrico, then in Goochland, then in Cumberland 
and then in Prince Edward. 

Samuel Allen, of Goochland, was probably Samuel Allen, son 
of William Allen, of New Kent, who was born, according to St. 
Peter's Church Parish Register, Sept. 20, 17 13. 

Richard Allen was about this time vestryman of St. Peter's 

196 William and Mary Quarterly 

Mrs. Margaret J. Puckette, No. 31 Crawford St., Dalton, Ga. 
under date of June 3, 1912, wrote as follows: "My grandfather 
was Capt. Samuel Allen Jefferson, his wife was Elizabeth Jef- 
ferson from Cumberland. My mother was Miss Margaret 
Towns, and her mother was Miss Margaret Lamb." 

There is a marriage bond in Cumberland Co., dated May 29. 
1762, of Peter Field Jefferson and Elizabeth Allen, security, John 
Jefferson ; and Samuel Allen's letter of consent to his daughter 
Elizabeth's marriage to Peter Field Jefferson. (Quarterly XX., 
23.) Peter Field Jefferson was son df Field Jefferson, uncle of 
President Thomas Jefferson. Field Jefferson's will is preserved 
in the clerk's office at Boydton, Mecklenburg Co. He describes 
himself of "Lunenburg Co.," and names sons Thomas Jefferso.., 
Peter Field, George, and John, daughters Mary Nichols, Judith 
and Phebe, grandchildren Alary Delony, Susanna and William 
Nichols, and goddaughter Mary Burton. To Peter Field he gave 
land whereon I now live. Dated June 8, 1762, and proved June 
10, 1762. William Townc's will was made January 17, i/&$. 
which was proved in Amelia County and names uncle John 
Townes, cousins Richard Clough, William Townes and Allen 
h*li*o Townes. There are marriage bonds in Cumberland of Valentine 

ifc<f;n5$. Allen & Ann Arnold, Feb. 26,^1753; William Daniell and Patty 
Field Allen, daughter of Samuel Allen, March 28, 1768; Philip 
Allen and Elizabeth, daughter of Daniel Coleman Nov. 19, 1763 ; 
Allen Burton and Mary Burton, dau. of William Allen Burton. 
dec. Feb. 2j, 1775: Daniel Allen & Joanna Hill, Feb. 2\, 1775; 
and William Allen & Sarah Slaughter, Dec. 25, 1785.- 

William and Mary Quarterly 197 


Communicated by Armistead C. Gordon, Staunton, Virginia. 

(Continued from Page 51.) 

16. Maria Stith* (Bassett, 5 Anderson, 4 John, 3 John, 2 John 1 ) mar- 

ried Jan. 1, 1822, Judge Joseph J. Daniel of Hali- 
fax, N. C, a member of the Supreme Court of 
that State. (Wheeler's Hist! N. C, Vol. 2, p. 200. 
The Green Bag, Boston, Mass., Vol. 4, No. 11, 
November, 1S92.) Judge Daniel died Feb. 10, 
1848. Maria Stith Daniel, his wife, died Feb- 
ruary, 1836. (Daniel Family Bible.) 
They had issue : 
i. Joseph John Daniel, Jr., b. Dec. 29, 1823, d. Nov. 

13, 1824. 
ii. Maria Josephine Daniel, b. Feb. 11, 1825; d. Nov. 
9, 1828. 

29. iii. William Alexander Daniel, b. Feb. 9, 1827, md.. 
' Sept. 3, 1850, Alary C. Joyner of Halifax, N. C. ; 

d. April 9, 1893. 

30. iv. Mary Long Daniel, b. Aug. 20, 1829; md. Dec. 20, 

1854, George Loyall Gordon of Albemarle Co. 
Va. ; d. Feb. 2j, 1876. 

31. v. Lavinia Bassett Daniel b. March 29, 1831 ; md. 

May 1, 1850, Turner Westray Battle of Edge- 
combe Co. N. C. ; cl. Aug. 3, 1905. 
vi. John Lewis Daniel, b. Dec. 24, 1832; d. Nov. 29, 


17. Mary Long Stith Q (Bassett," Anderson, 4 John, 3 John, 2 John 1 ) 

married Edmund Freeman of Raleigh, North 
Carolina, who was for many years Clerk of the 
Supreme Court of that State. They had issue : 

32. i. Emily Freeman, md. Hampden Sidney Smith of 

Raleigh, N. C. 
ii. George Freeman, d. s. p. 

198 William and Mary Quarterly 

18. Virginia StitJi* (Bassett, 5 Anderson, 4 John, 3 John, 2 John 1 ) 

married Nathaniel Macon Eaton of Warren Co., 
N. C, grandson of Nathaniel Macon, the Revolu- 
tionary patriot and statesman. 
They had issue: 

33. i. Senora Eaton, md. July 17, 1850, Benjamin Franklin 

Lockhart of Northampton Co., N. C. (Daniel 
Family Bible.) 

19. Nicholas Long Bassett Stith, M. DS 3 (Bassett^ Anderson,* 

John 3 John, 2 John 1 ) married Anna Austin Hill of 
North Carolina, and had issue : 

34. i. Frederick Hill Stith md. Elizabeth Carter, of Vir- 

ii. Mary Long Stith d. in infancy. 

iii. Alberta Bassett Stith md. Jones, and lives in 

Davidson Co., N. C. 
iv. Marshall Stith d. in infancy. 
v. Bassett Stith d. in infancy. 
vi. Anna Hill Stith. 

20. Martha E. Stith 6 (Bassett, 5 Anderson, 4 John, 3 John, 2 John 1 ) 
' married April 5, 1825, Gen. J. R. J. Daniel of 

Halifax, N. C. (2 Wheeler's Hist. N. C, p. 201 ) 
Gen. J. R. J. Daniel' died June 22, 186S, at his 
plantation in Caddo Parish, La., about 20 miles 
above Shreveport. (Daniel Family Bible). They 
had issue: 
i. Willie Augustus Daniel b. Jan. 19, 1826; d. unr.i. 
May 11, 1858. 

ii. John Napoleon Daniel, b. Jan. 9, 1827: d. unm. Aug. 
9, 1852. 

iii. General Junius Daniel b. June 27, 1828, Brigadier 
General Confederate Spates Army, Sept. 1, 1802, 
Commanding Brigade Rodes Division Army ct 
Northern Virginia. Killed in action, May 13. 
1864, at Spotsylvania, Va. He married Ellen. 
eldest daughter of Colonel John Long of 
Northampton Co. N. C, and d. s. p. (Gen. J. R. 

William and Mary Quarterly 199 

J. Daniel's Family Bible, in possession of Mrs. 
Junius Daniel of Henderson, N. C.) 
iv. Virginia Frances Daniel, b. March 26, 1830; d. 
April 9, 1830. 

21. Lai'inia Bassctt StitJi Q (Bassett, 5 Anderson/ John, 3 John 2 

John 1 ) married Robert Xewsome of Norfolk, Va. 
They had issue : 

35. i. Mary Bassett md. 1836 William N. Winbourn of 

Salisbury, N. C 

22. William Dawson LozvtJier* (Penelope Eden Dawson/"' Col. 

John Dawson, 4 Mary Randolph Stith, 3 John, 2 
John 1 ) married March 21, 1821, Eliza Ann 
Sawyer. (2 N. C. Hist. & Gen. Reg., p. 463.) 
They had issue : 
i. Dr. Samuel T. Lowther, md. Susan Gordon, daugh- 
ter of John Gordon of Gates Co., N. C. No issue. 
Dr. Lowther lived and died at the old Gordon 
home near Holly Grove,. Gates Co. 

36. ii. William Dawson Lowther, Jr., md. Sophroma 

Autrey of Fort Bond, Texas. 

37. hi. Margaret Blair Lowther, md. Sept. 6, 1855, H. C. 

iv. Charles Lowther. 
v. Penelope Lowther. 

vi. Mary J. Lowther, md. her cousin, Samuel Sawyer. 
vii. James Lowther. 
viii. Annie Lowther. (2 N. C. Hist & Gen. Register, p. 


23. Maria Louise Lowther* (Penelope Elen Dawson, 5 Col. John 

Dawson, 4 Mary Randolpn Stith, 3 John, 2 John 1 ) 
married Nov. 6, 1804, Joseph Blount Skinner of 
Chowan Co. N. C. His holograph will (Nov. 
26, 1850) was proved Feb. Term 1852, and is of 
record in the office of the Clerk of the Superior 
Court of Edenton, N. C. 

Maria Louise Lowther and her husband, 
Joseph Blount Skinner, had issue: 

>o William and Mary Quarterly 

i. Tristram Lowther Skinner. 

ii. Maria Louise Skinner, md. Dr. W. D. Warren. (2 
N. C. Hist. & Gen. Reg., p. 2J.) 

j,. Mary Stith Maury 6 (Mary Grymes, 3 Mary Dawson, 4 Mary 
Randolph Stith, 3 John, 2 John 1 ) married W. Hay. 
They had issue : 
i. Alary Hay. 
38. ii. Walker Hay, md. Catharine Maury, 
iii. Isaac Hay, md. A. Baldwin. 

iv. Penelope Hay, md. - — Eichelbergcr. (Hugue- 
not Emigration to Virginia, p. 125.) 

-. Ann Tunstall Maury 6 (Alary Grymes, 7 ' Alary Dawson. 4 Mary 
Randolph Stith," John, 2 John 1 ) married Isaac 
Hite. They had issue : 
i. Ann Maury Hite md. P. Williams, 
ii. Alary Hite, md. S. Davidson, 
iii. Isaac Hite md. L. Smith. 
iv. Rebecca Hite md. J. Lodon. 

v. Walker Hite md. Williams. 

vi. Sarah Hite md. Mark Bird. 

vii. Bettie Hite, md. Green. 

viii. Hugh Hite md. A. Meade. 
ix. Cornelius Hite md. E. Smith. 

x. Matilda Hite, md. A. Davidson. (Huguenot Emi- 
gration ID Virginia, p. 125.) 

'.'. William Grymes Maury 6 (Mary Grymes, 3 Mary Dawson, 4 
Mary Randolph Stith, 3 John, 2 John 1 ) married 
A. Wool folk. They had issue: 
i. John Walker Maury, Mayor of Washington. 
ii. Ellen Maury, md. Isobel Taylor, d. 1855. 

iii. Fenella Maury, md. White. 

iv. William Lewis Maury, attache to the Japan Explor- 
ing Sxpedition U. S. N. ; Commander of the 
Shir Georgian. Confederate States Navy: md. 
H. A. Beckham; d. November 27, 1S78. Issue, 
fivi children. 

William and Mary Quarterly 201 

v. Robert H. Maury md. 1st S. Wortham ; 2nd 

vi. Mary E. Maury, md. W. Hill. 

vii. Jourdan W. Maury, md. S. McNier ; d. January 19, 
1883, in his 65th year. 

viii. Ann Hite Maury, md. Magruder. 

ix. Charles B. Maury md. S. F. Maury. 

x. James Maury md. Ludwell. 

xi. Lucy P. H. Maury, d. Feb. 12, 1873. (Hug. Em. 
to Va., p. 125.) 

27. Leonard Ifi'l Maury* (Mary Grymes/' Mary Dawson,* Mary 

Randolph Stith, 3 John.- John 1 ) married V. Camp- 
bell. They had issue: 
i. Mary Dawson Maury. 

ii. Virginia Pearce Maury. 

iii. William Walker Maury. 

iv. Matthew Hite Maury. 

y. James L. Lee Maury. 

vi. Thomas Fontaine Maury. 

vii. John Lawrence Maury. 
viii. Elizabeth Anne Maury. 

ix. Alfred Pearce Maury. 

x. America Strachan Maury. 

xi. Flarriet Georgiana Maury, 
xii. Christopher Columbus Maury, 
xiii. Sarah Susan Pearce Maury. 
xiv. Joseph Woodson Maury. 

xv Eliza Frances Maury, 
xvi. Catharine Mildred Maury. (Hug. Em. Ya.. p. 125.) 

28. Penelope Johnstone Fontaine Maury* (Mary Grymes,"' Mary 

Dawson, 4 Mary Randolph Stith, John, 2 John 1 ) 
married Robert Polk. They had issue : 
39. i. Robert J. W. Polk md. M. >Sommerville. 

ii. Susan Polk md. Haverstick. 

iii. Theophilus Polk. 

iv. Mary Ann Polk, md. Drown. (Hug. Em. Va., 

p. 126.) 

202 William and Mary Quarterly 

29. William Alexander Daniel 7 (Maria Stith/' Bassett, 5 Ander- 

son, 4 John, 3 John, 2 John 1 ), married Sept. 5, 1850, 
Mary C. Joyner. He resided at one time in 
Northampton Co., N. C, and later at Weldon, 
Halifax Co., N. C, where he died April 9, 1893. 
For one or more terms he was a member of the 
N. C. House of Commons. Wm. A. Daniel and 
his wife Mary C. Joyner had issue: 
i. Sallie Joyner Daniel, b. July 2, 1852; d. June 19, 


ii. Joseph John Daniel, b. July 21, 1855; d. unm. Sept. 

7, 1908, at Weldon, N. C. 
iii. William Alexander Daniel, b. Nov. 5, 1857; d. unm. 

June 17, 1876, at Weldon, N. C. 
iv. Elizabeth Daniel, b. July 7, 1859; d. Jan. 9, 1861. 

(Daniel Family Bible.) 

30. Mary Long Daniel 7 (Maria," Bassett,"' Anderson, 4 John, 3 

John, 2 John 1 ) married Dec. 20, 1854, George 
Loyall Gordon, of Albemarle Co. Va., son of Gen- 
eral Wm. Fitzhugh Gordon and Elizabeth Lind- 
say, his wife. She died at Longwood, Louisa Co., 
Va., Feb. 27, 1876. 

George Loyall Gordon was a lawyer practising 
in Louisa County, Va. In 1861 while on a visit 
with his wife to her relatives in North Carolina, 
he enlisted as a private soldier in the Confederate 
Army, and became Adjutant of the 5th (later the 
15th) N. C. Regiment. He was killed in battle 
at Malvern Hill, Va., July 1st, 1862. (1 Moore's' 
Roster N. C. Troops, p. 545.) Mary Long Daniel 
and her husband, George Loyall Gordon, had 
issue : 
40. i. Armistead Churchill Gordon, b. in Albemarle Co., 
Va., Dec. 20, 1855; md. Oct. 17, 1883, Maria 
Breckinridge Catlett of Staunton, Va. 

William and Mary Quarterly 203 

ii. Frances Daniel Gordon, b. in Albemarle Co., Va., 

May 3, 1857; d. in Halifax Co., N. C, Sept. 28, 


iii. Lavinia Battle Gordon, b. in Albemarle Co., Va., 

Oct. 25, 1858; d. in Halifax, N. C, Dec. 12, i860. 

41. iv. James Lindsay Gordon, b. at Longwood, Louisa Co.. 

Va., Jan. 9, i860; md. 1899 Emily A. Schlichter of 
Philadelphia; d. in New York City Nov. 30, 1904. 

42. v. Alary Long Gordon, b. at Warrenton, N. C, June 

15, 1861 ; md. Dr. Richard II. Lewis of Raleigh, 
N. C, April 16, 1890; d. at Raleigh, Aug. 13, 
1895. (Gordon Family Bible.) 

31. Lavinia Bassctt Daniel' (Maria Stith, 6 Bassett, 5 Anderson, 4 
John, 3 John,- John 1 ) married May 1, 1850, Cap- 
tain Turner Westray Battle, of Cool Spring, 
Edgecombe Co., N. C. She died at Staunton, 
Va., Aug. 3. 1905. Capt. Battle, who was a 
planter in Edgecombe Co., served as a Captain 
in the 5U1 N. C. Regiment in the War between 
the States (1 Moore's Roster of N. C. State 
' Troops). He died at Cool Spring, Aug., 1895. 

Lavinia Bassett Daniel and her husband. 
Turner Westry Battle had issue : 

43. i. Judge Jacob Battle of Rocky Mount, N. C, b. Jan. 

16, 1852, md. first, July 15, 1874, Iva Isabella 
Steele of South Carolina; second, Nov. 4, 1896, 
Nell G. Gupton of Rocky Mount. 

ii. Joseph Daniel Battle, b. April 1, 1854; d. s. p. 
March 5, 1897. 

44. iii. Harriet Westray Battle, b. April 16, 1854; md. April 

7, 1874, Bennett Bunn of N. C. ; d. April 8, 
iv. Turner Westray Battle of Edgecombe Co., N. C, b. 
June 25. 1863 ; d. unm. May 18, 1907, at Rich- 
mond, Va. 
v. George Gordon Battle, lawyer, of New York City; 
b. Oct. 25, 1868; md. April 17, 1898, Martha 
Bagby, of Virginia. 

204 William and Mary Quarterly 

45. vi. Gaston Battle of Rocky Mount, N. C, b. Jan. 11, 
1871 ; md. first, Dec. 31, 1890, Tamar Manning 
of Chapel Hill, N. C. ; second, Feb. 19, 1895, 
Nannie S. Speight, of Edgecombe Co., N. C, d. 
s. p. ; third, Nov. 2, 1897, Bettie Plummer Wright 
of Petersburg, Va. (Battle Family Bible.) 

32. Emily Freeman 1 (Mary Long Stitli, 6 Bassett, 5 Anderson, 4 
John,* John,- John 1 ) married Hampden Smith of 
Raleigh, N. C. 

They, had issue : 
i. Edmund Freeman Smith. 
ii. George Smith, 
iii. Hampden Freeman Smith. 

^- Senora Eaton 7 (Virginia Stith, 6 Bassett,' Anderson, 4 John, 3 
John, 2 John 1 ) married July 17, 1850, Benjamin 
Franklin ^Lockhart of Northampton Co., N. C, 
(Daniel Family Bible.) 
They had issue : 
i. Benjamin Franklin Lockhart, Jr. 
ii. Sally Lockhart. 
iii. Nathaniel Macon Lockhart. 
iv. Junius Daniel Lockhart. 
v. Joseph Lockhart. 
vi. Senora Lockhart. 
vii. Virginia Stitli Lockhart. 

34. Frederick Hill StitJr (Nicholas L. B. 6 Bassett,'' Anderson, 4 

John,"' John, 2 John 1 ) married Carter, of 

Virginia and had issue : 
i. Mary Long Stith. 

35. Mary Bassett Xezesome 7 (Lavinia Bassett Stith, Bassett, 5 

Anderson, 4 John, 3 John, 2 John 1 ) married in 183ft 
W r illiam E. Winbourn of Salisbury, N. C, who 
later moved to Kingston Springs, Tennessee. 
They had issue : 

i. Albert Stith Winbourn. 

ii. William Stith Winbourn. 

William and Mary Ouartlrly 205 

iii. J. R. Winbourn, married and had two sons. 

iv. Joseph Winbourn. 

v. Lavinia Winbourn, married Sadler. 

36. William Johnstone Lowthef, Jr. 7 (William D. Lowther, 6 Pene- 

lope Eden Dawson, 5 Col. John Dawson, 4 Mary 
Randolph Stith, 3 John, 2 John 1 ) married in Texas, 
to which State he moved about 1857, Sophronia 
Autrey of Fort Bond, Texas. Airs. Lowther, after 
the death of her husband, moved to one of the 
adjoining states, probably Arkansas. .They had 
issue, six children, of whom three survived, as 
follows : 
i. Charles Eden Lowther. 

ii. Adam Lowther. 

iii. Elizabeth Lowther. (2 N. C. Hist. & Gen. Reg., pp. 
464 and 602.) 

37. Margaret Blair Lozcther 7 (William D. Lowther, 6 Penelope 

Eden Dawson, 5 Col. John Dawson, 4 Mary Ran- 
dolph Stith, 3 John, 2 John 1 ) married Sept. 6, 1855. 
H. G. Jollie. She died in 1894. 
' They had issue : 

i. William Lowther Jollie, d. s. p. 
ii. Annie Elizabeth Jollie, md. Col. Vernon, who d. s. p. 
She was living in 1901 at 36 N. 9th St. Phila- 
delphia, Pa. 
iii. Claudia Jollie, d. unm. 
, iv. Caroline Jollie, d. unm. 
, v. Zavier Jollie. (2 N. C. Hist. & Gen. Reg., p. 662.) 

38. Walker Hay 7 (Mary Stith Maury, 6 Mary Grymes, 3 Mary 

Dawson, 4 Mary Randolph Stith, 3 John, 2 John 1 ) 
married Catharine Maury. 
They had issue: 

i. Abrianna Hay, md. Crawford. 

ii. T. William Gregory Play. 

iii. Elizabeth B. Hay, md. Preatte. 

iv. Francis F. Hay, md. Pierce. 

v. Charles Edward Hay. (Ping. Em. Va., p. 127.) 

206 William and Mary Quarterly 

39. Robert J. W . Polk 1 (Penelope Johnstone Fontaine Maury,* 

Mary Grymes, 5 Mary Dawson, 4 Mary Randolph 
Stith, 3 John, 2 John 1 ) married H. Sommerville. 
They had issue : 
46. i. Penelope Johnstone Maury Polk, md. Dr. Phillip 

40. 'Armistead Churchill Gordon* (Mary Long Daniel, 7 Maria 

Stith, 6 Bassett, 3 Anderson, 4 John, 3 John, 2 John 1 ) 
was born at Edgeworth, Albemarle Co., Va., Dec. 
20, 1855. He married Oct. 17, 1883, at Staunton, 
Virginia, Maria Breckinridge Catlett, eldest 
daughter -of Nathaniel Pendleton Catlett of 
Staunton and Elizabeth Breckinridge, his wife. 

The issue of Armistead Churchill Gordon, and 
his wife Maria Breckinridge Catlett, were: 
i. Margaret Douglas Gordon, b. Sept. 25, 1891. 

ii. Mary Daniel Gordon, b. Oct. 19, 1893. 

iii. James Lindsay Gordon, b. May 19, 1895. 

iv. Armistead Churchill Gordon, Jr., b. July 9, 1897. 

v. George Loyall Gordon, b. Nov. 26, 1899. 

41. James Lindsay Gordon/ (Mary Long Daniel, 7 Maria Stith, 9 

Bassett, 5 Anderson, 4 John, 3 John, 2 John 1 ) was 
born at Longwood, Louisa Co., Va., Jan. 9, i860. 
He was a lawyer in Charlottesville, Va., for a 
number of years, during which time he served in 
the Virginia State Senate. Lie removed later to 
New York City, where he practiced law, and was 
in turn Assistant District Attorney for the City 
and County of New York, and Assistant Corpora- 
tion Counsel. He died in New York, November 
30, 1904. He married at Philadelphia, Pa., April 
20, 1899, Emily A. Schlichter, who died in 1908. 
They had issue: 
i. Edith Churchill Gordon, b. Feb. 8, 1900. 

42. Mary Long Gordon* (Mary Long Daniel, 7 Maria Stith, 6 Bas- 

sett, 3 Anderson, 4 John, 3 John, 2 John 1 ) was born 

William and Mary Quarterly 207 

in Warrenton, N. C, June 15, 1861. She mar- 
ried April 16, 1890, at Staunton, Va., Dr. Rich- 
ard Henry Lewis of Raleigh, N. C. (his second 
wife), and died there Aug. 13, 1895. They had 
issue : 
i. Nellie Battle Lewis, born May 20, 1893. 

43. Jacob Battle* (Lavinia B. Daniel, 7 Maria Stith, 6 Bassett, 5 

Anderson, 4 John, 3 John, 2 John 1 ) born at Cool 
Spring, N. C, Jan. 16, 1852; married first, July 
15, 1874, Iva Isabella Steele of South Carolina; 
second, Nov. 4, 1896, Nell G. Gupton of Rocky 
Mount, N. C. He was for a number of years 
Judge of the Superior Court. 

The issue of his marriage with Iva Isabella 
Steele was : 
i. Jacob Battle, Jr., md. Mattie Wright, died 191 3. 

The issue of his marriage with Nell Gupton 
were : 
ii. Turner Westray Battle. 
iii, Dorothy Battle. 
iv. Mary Long Gordon Battle. 

44. Harriet JJ'estray B<;{tle K (Lavinia B. Daniel, 7 Maria Stith, 6 

Bassett/' Anderson, 4 John ' John, 2 John 1 ) born at 
Cool Spring, N. C, April 16, 1856; married April 
7. 1874, Bennett Bunn of Nash County, N. C. 
She died at Norfolk, Va., April 8, 1884. 
They had issue : 
i. Turner Battle Bunn. 
ii. Joseph Daniel Bunn, d. young, 
iii. William Simms Bunn. 

45. Gaston Battle* (Lavinia B. Daniel, 7 Maria Stith,* 5 Bassett, 5 

Anderson, 4 John, 3 John, 2 John 1 ) married first, 
Tamar Manning; second, Nannie B. Speight, d. 
s. p. ; third, Betty Plummer Wright. 
The issue of his first marriage was : 
i. John Manning Battle. 

2o8 William and Mary Quarterly 

The issue of his third marriage were : 
ii. Joseph Daniel Battle, 
iii. Elizabeth Wright Battle. 

46. Penelope Johnstone Maury Polk* (Robert J. W. Polk, 7 

Penelope Johnstone Fontaine Maury, 6 Mary 
Grymes, 5 Mary Dawson, 4 Alary Randolph Stith, ;! 
John, 2 John 1 ) married Dr. Philip Leidy. 
They had issue: 

47. i. Dr. Joseph Leidy of 1319 Locust St., Philadelphia, 

Pa., md. Helen R. Carter. 

48. ii. Dr. C. Fontaine Maury Leidy, md. Margaret 

Howard Ridgely. 
iii. Gertrude Leidy. 

49. iv. Kathryn Leidy, md. Wain Morgan Churchman. 

47. Dr. Joseph Leidy 9 (Penelope Johnstone Maury Polk, 8 Robert 

J. W. Polk, 7 Penelope Johnstone Fontaine 
Maury, 6 Mary Grymes," Mary Dawson, 4 Mary 
Randolph Stith, 3 John, 2 John 1 ) married Helen 
R. Carter. 

They had issue: 

i. Joseph Leidy, Jr., d. 

ii. Cornelia Carter Leidy. 

iii. Philip Ludwell Leidy. 

iv. Carter Randolph Leidy. 

48. Dr. C. Fontaine Maury Leidy 9 (Penelope Johnstone Maury 

Polk, s Robert J. W. Polk, 7 Penelope Johnstone 
Fontaine Maury, 6 Mary Grymes, 3 Mary Dawson, 4 
1 Mary Randolph Stith, 3 John, 2 John 1 ) married 

Margaret Howard Ridgely. 
They had issue: 
i. Helen West Leidy. 

49. Kathryn Leidy 9 (Penelope Johnstone Maury Polk, s Robert 

J. W. Polk, 7 Penelope Johnstone Fontaine 
Maury, 6 Mary Grymes,"' Mary Dawson, 4 Man- 
Randolph Stith, 3 John, 2 John 1 ) married Wain 
Morgan Churchman. 
They had issue: 
i. Wain Morgan Churchman, Jr. 

William and Mary Quarterly 209 

Communicated by Mrs. O. A. Heath, Wichita, Kansas. 

These notes of the Popes of Northumberland County are by 
no means exhaustive. They accumulated in connection with 
searches made for other records at Heathsville and may prove 
of some aid or interest to genealogists. 

My first mention of the name is in the will of John Cooke, 
dated Aug. 6, 1652, and recorded March 10, 1653, when he 
leaves a legacy to ''Air. Nathaniel Pope." However, the Northum- 
berland County line of Popes, seems to begin with James Pope, 
and his connection with Nathaniel my notes do not show. 

An unusual touch of interest is given this "story*' of the 
Popes by the fact that a deed recorded nearly a hundred years 
after the appearance of the first James Pope, definitely fixes his 
time and place among the early settlers of the Northern Neck. 
A brief abstract of this deed recorded June 13, 1749, recites that 
Christopher Neale and Jane, his wife, late widow of Richard 
Rogers, and one of the daughters of Peter Presley, Sr., gave a 
deed to Peter Presley, now the elder of St. Stephen's parish, for 
264 acres of land more or less, on Northwest side of Chincahon 
Creek, part of 1,000 acres by patent granted Richard Russell, 
Sept. 25, 1657, and by him deserted, was taken by James Pope, 
who obtained order from Governor and Council for same, dated 
Oct. 12, 1660, and for a valuable consideration, by the said Pope 
made over to William Presley and Peter Presley, the father to sd 
Jane by deed, dated April 24. 1662. 

This deed was originally recorded Sept. 21, 1709, but was 
burned in the disastrous fire of 1710 and so recorded again after 
1 h i s long lapse of time. 

As my study of the records of the Pope family has not been 
sufficient to warrant any authoritative comment, I shall simply 
give the abstracts in some sort of chronological fashion. 

2io William and Mary Quarterly 

The first record is from a ragged old Order Book and has 
many words missing. 

1662 April 29. — Know all men by these presents that I, James 
Pope, of the Co. of Northd.for divers good causes and valluable 
considerations mee thereunto movinge and more especially for 
the vallue of 24,000 pounds of tobacco and caske and one cow 
and calf to me already satisfied and paid wherewith I hold my- 
selfe fully satisfied and contented, have bargained and sould 
and doe by these presents for mee, my heyres, exors., and etc., sell, 
nllyenate, assign, set over and make sale of unto Wm. and Peter 

Presly of the aforesd County And there keyres etc 

1000 acres of land situate in the County aforesd 

bounding E : upon a creeke called Mr. Peter Presly's 

creeke N : upon the Mottron the said Presly and Col 

Tru upon land of Gervace Dodson wood 

towards Col formerly granted to dated the 25th 

of Sept. and granted to me at James City the 

12th as aforesaid. I, the sd. and set over with 

all or thereon belonging by heyres etc and 

Presly and to there warranting the 

premises and every oblige myselfe my heyres 

deliver and assigne a pattent for the arofesd land My 

wife Dorcas shall renounce her Dowry in demand by the 

said Wm. or Peter Presly. In witness whereof, I have here- 
unto set my hand and seale. 
In presence of — 

Richard Lugge James Pope (Seale). 

James Hill. * 

1662 May 20. — Acknowledge and recorded. 

1663, July 17. — Whereas my husband, James Pope, sold to 
Wm. and Peter Presly 1000 acres of land formerly belonging to 
Richard Russell lying upon the head of Chingoham Creeke, 
bounding upon the land of Mottrom, the sd Presly's, Trussell and 
Dodson as by a deed bearing date the 29th April, 1662, may ap- 
peare, I doe by these presents assigne all my right and title of the 
said land unto the sd Wm. and Peter Preslv and to their heirs etc. 

William and Mary Quarterly 211 

forever. In witness whereof I have hereunto sett my hand and 


In presence of her 

Robert Howson Dorcas X Pope (Seale) 

his mark 

Thomas X Lane 

1 67 1 May 16 — Know all men by these presents that I, Dorcas 
Pope, with the consent of my loving husband, James Pope, doe 
freely and absolutely constitute and appoint my trusted friend 
Sam. Bailey to be my true and lawful attorney in Northumber- 
land County Court to acknowledge my right and interest of a 
parcell of land sold by my aforesd husband, James Pope, planter, 
in the County of Northumberland aforesd. unto John Bounds, 

1679 Feb. 19 — Whereas complaints have been made unto this 
Court that John Higginson who married the relict of James Pope 
hath much impayred the estate of the children of the said Pope. 

1699 Sept. 21. — Whereas John Pope hath made claime agst 
the estate of Dorcas Higginson for 1050 pounds of tobacco for 
himself and 1750 for his sister Dorcas Pope. 

1699 Sept. 25. — Thomas Hobson, guardian of Peter Presly, 
vs John Pope, administrator of Dorcas Higginson. 

1704 Jan. 1 — John Pope deeded Robert Boyd one hundred and 
fifty acres of land, situate on the south side of the main branch 
of Wicocomo river being a patent granted to James Pope, father 
of said John Pope. 

Robert Boyd's will was made Sept. 10, 17.10 and proved May 
16, 171 1. Pie named Wife Ann, brother-in-law John Pope, son 
John, son not named, other word show it to have been Robert, 
god-son, Moses Wood. His wife was doubtless a sister of John 
Pope, since the latter had deeded him the above land. A refer- 
ence to this deed appears again when, Feb. 18, 1713, Win. Heath 
presented John Pope's deed for land to Robert Boyd. 

1747 June 8 — There was a settlement between the estates of 
Robert Boyd and Wm. Taylor dec'd. 

212 William and Mary Quarterly 

A further reference to the original Pope patent is Sept. 3rd, 
1708. John Dunaway and Margaret his wife make a deed foi 
100 acres of land, said land part of a patent first taken up by 
Josias Draper, James Pope and James Hill, being at the head 
of a Branch called Hollybranch near Matchotique Path. x\lso 
in the deed made 1713, April 9, by Rodham Neal of St. 
Stephen's parish to Robert Carter of Lancaster County for 300 

acres of land in Wicocomo parish, part of a patent of 

700 acres first granted James 1 Pope, Sr. and by sd James 2 Pope, 
son of sd James made over to Christopher Neale, father of sd 
Rodham by deed dated Aug. 13, 1691. 

John Pope's name appears many times in the Order Books, as 
witness, juryman, in law suits of his own, and as overseer of the 

He made his will Jan. 4, 1722, as follows: 

I give and bequeath unto my eldset son Joseph Pope etc. 

I give and bequeath unto my second son John Pope — 

I leave to my wife Ann Pope the use of the manor plantation, 
lying between my son's Joseph and John Pope's land during her 
natural life and after her decease, to my son John Pope and his 

I give and bequeath unto my third son Richard Pope — 

I give unto my youngest son Leroy Pope — 

I give and bequeath unto Isaac Basie my gray broad cloth 
coat, vest and breeches. 

To Thomas Pittmau, a suit of clothes. 

My will is that my four sons shall have their estate paid them 
when they come to the age of eighteen, the residue of my estate 
unto my dear and loving wife, Ann Pope, and my four sons. 

Mr. Thomas Gaskins Jr. and Mr. Thomas Winters to divided 
said estate. 

Witnesses — Isaac Basie, Elizamon Basie, Katherine Basie. 

Recorded November 20, 1723. 

The fact that one of the sons bore the name of Leroy is a most 
conclusive evidence that either the father or mother belonged to 
the Fauntleroy blood. Ann Pope, the widow of John Pope married 
about 1729 or 30, Thomas Dameron Sr. of Wicomico Parish. 

William and Mary Quarterly 213 

Much circumstantial evidence pointed to this but it was more than 
fifty years later that positive proof was found of this marriage 
which will be mentioned in the family chronology as it unfolds 
from the old Record and Order Books. 

1728 Nov. 22 — Judgment granted Richard Marsh, guardian of 
Philip Thompson, agst the estate of John Pope, deed., for the sum 
of 4500 pounds of tobacco, it being the balance due the said 
Philip Thompson from the said John Pope as the administrator of 
Simon Thompson, father of the said Philip. 

1743 June 14 — Alary Pope (wife of Thomas Pope), deed to 
George Oldham for 1 fourth part of a water mill left her and 
her three sisters by her father, Samuel Heath, which formerly 
belonged to Bartholomew Schreever. 

Leroy Pope, youngest son of John Pope in his will dated Jan. 
19, 1747, and probated March 9, 1747, names brother John Pope, 
nephew Leroy Pope, son of brother John, nephew Thomas, Pope, 
son of brother Joseph, brother Richard, cousins (nieces), Sarah 
Ann Pope and Elizabeth Pope, daughter of brother Joseph, 
nephew John, son of Joseph, Betty Pope, daughter of brother 
John, brothers John and Richard, executors. 

The' will of Joseph Pope was dated Sept. 2, 1766, and pro- 
bated March 9, 1767. The abstract of this was not made but 
another record gives the names of the heirs as follows: 

1770, Dec. 10 — We the subscribers have divided the estate 
of Joseph Pope and possessed Sarah Pope, the widow, Richard, 
John, Joseph and Sally Pope and William Oldham, who married 
Mary, one, of the daughters, Fortunatus Davenport, who mar- 
ried Elizabeth another daughter, and possessed Richard Pope 
with 10 shillings and four pence for the heirs of Thomas Pope 
deceased, one of the son of Joseph Pope. 

Signed Wm. Nutt 

Martin Sherman Jr. 
John Smither. 

On April 9, 1771, Littleton Massey and Mary, his wife, ad- 
ministratrix of Thomas Pope, deceased of Accomac County, gave 
power of attorney to Lindsey Goote to settle the affairs of the 

214 William and Mary Quarterly 

The will of John Pope Sr., dated Dec. 25, 1775, recorded May 
13, 1778, names son, Nicholas, son Leroy, one half my land in 
Richmond County where he now lives, son William, other half 
of land in Richmond County, daughters Betty Goodrich, Katy 
Hinton, Judith Robinson, Winnie Roult and her children. I 
doe appoint my loving brother George Dameron exc. with mv 
three sons, Nicholas, Leroy and William. 

Witnesses — Richard and Joseph Pope and Taylor Gill. 

His son Nicholas Pope, made his will Jan. 9, 1777, recorded 
June 9, 1777. He names son John Fleet, my three children Mollie 
Edwards Pope, John Fleet Pope and William Fleet Pope. Exe- 
cutors — wife, Col. John Fleet, William Martin and Henry Hinton. 

John Pope, Jr., made his will Jan. 27, 1784, recorded Feb. 
9. 1784. To John Fleet Pope, one half of land in Richmond 
County, William son of Leroy Pope, remainder of land in Rich- 
mond County. To Molly Edwards Pope and Ann Pope, daugh- 
ters of Leroy Pope, sister Winifred Roult's children, to Betsy 
Goodrich and William Goodrich, to Lucy Roult, Winifred Sidnor 
Roult to Nicholas Pope. 

^saac Basie and Richard Pope to be guardians to my brother 
Nicholas Pope's children. Executors — Richard and Joseph Pope, 
Isaac Basie and William Nutt. 

The will of Richard Pope was dated Jan. 1, 1791, recorded 
Jan. 14, 1793. Brother Joseph homestead. Nephew Thomas 
Pope Basie and William Basie. To Opie Davenport, nieces, Sally 
and Elizabeth Basie. 

Mr. Isaac Basie to have management of estate of Mr. William 
Pope deceased that is now in my hands. Executors — Isaac Basie, 
and Oppie Davenport. 

1794 June 9 — Inventory Sarah Pope deceased — 

1794 June 9 — Isaac Basie was possessed with proportionable 
part of the estate of George Pope deceased in right of his wife 

As stated before Ann Pope, widow of John Pope, m. Thomas 
Dameron of Wicomico parish, about 1729 or 30, by whom sne 
had two children, George and Anne Dameron. 

William and Mary Quarterly 215 

Thomas Dameron's will dated Mch. 27, 1750, names wife, 
Ann, and his children, George and Anne Dameron, both minors. 

So far the maiden name of Ann Pope-Dameron has not been 
definitely determined. 

Malachi Burhery or Burborough in his will, dated Jan. 9, 
1 75 1, names "my Aunt Ann Dameron," "my cousin George Dam- 
eron/' "my cousin, Samuel Smith." 

There is a record of May 22 y 1745, of a settlement between 
Mr. Richard Smith, guardian to Samuel Smith, orphan of John 
Smith, deed, and Mr. Winder Kenner, exc, of Mrs.- Hannah 
Smith, deed. 

Frequent references in the records show that the Taylors, 
Burberys, Smiths, Nutts, Heaths, Fieldings, Lees and Jones were 
closely related. 

On Nov. 15, 1757, Ann Dameron was security for Richard 
Pope, her son. She was security in various trials until about 
1764, when she probably died, as her son George assumed her 
obligations and appears as security, not onlv for the Popes, but 
so regularly and frequently for John Heath that it would appear 
that he might have been a half-brother also. 

2i6 William .\nd Mary Quarterly 


Mason. — In Notes and Queries of April 5, 1913, is given the 
following burial entry from the recently published Parish Register 
of Bolton-le- Sands in Lancashire: 1701, Sept. 17th: Jacobus 
Mason a Virginia hue migratus." — Roseivall Randall Hoes. 

Beverley Letter Book. — From this book which was in the 
Lenox Library New York, the Editor made the following ab- 
stracts : ( 1 ) Deed of John Daingerfkld of Rappahannock, cooper. 
& Anne his wife to Thomas Munday, carpenter; (2) Deed of Ed- 
ward Sorrel], of James City County (& Alice, his wife), ex'r of the 
will of Benjamin Goodrich, gent., late of the sd county & colonv 
deceased, dated June 10, 1703; (3) Deed of Humphrey Booth, of 
Rappahannock County, planter, son & heir apparent of Humphrey 
Booth, late of the said county Gent, deed, and Robert Brooke of 
said county and Catherine his wife, daughter of said Humphrey 
Booth, deceased, to Richard Stokes, dated June 19, 1689; (4; 
Deed of Humphrey Brooke & Phebe his wife to Richard Stokes 
dated 11 Jany 1689; (5) The will of William Moseley, of Essex, 
dated January 6, 1699 names sons William, John & dau. Martha 
under 18, brothers Edward and Robert ; leaves legacies to neigh- 
bor Rebecca Stokes, grandson Wni. Jones and William son of 
Robert Brooke. Proved 10 April 1699. 

Throckmorton. — James Edmundson made his will in 179 1 
and divided his property between his nephews and nieces ; Gabriel, 
William, James, Dorothy Throckmorton, Martha Todd, Fanny, 
Sally, Lucy & Judith Throckmorton, children of Gabriel Throck-^ 
morton, dee'd. Dorothy was afterwards the wife of James Webb. 
Chancery Papers formerly in Williamsburg. 

Massie. — "Capt. John Massie emigrated from New Kent Co., 
Virginia, to Tennessee about 1820. He had a sister Sarah. He 
was a son of a Air. Massie and Agnes Nelson Anderson, who had 
a sister who married a Mr. Patteson." — Mrs. Sam Orr, 31 r 
Woodland St., Nashville, Tennessee (May 3, 1898). 

William and Mary Quarterly 217 

Vestry Book in Clerk's Office in Suffolk; Vestrymen (Lower 
Parish of Nansemond), July 15, 1749: Thomas Godwin, Jona- 
than Godwin, Anthony Holladay, John King, James Cowling, 
Thomas Godwin, William Wright, Nathaniel Wright, Edward 
Wright, James Turner, Thomas Jordan, John Baxter. Vestry- 
men March 2J, 1744: Capt. Andrew (Williamson?), Mr. Wil- 
liam Butler, Mr. John Winbourne, Mr. John Norfleet, Edward 
Norfleet, Capt. Daniel Pugh, Capt. Jethro Sumner. Vestrymen 
April 22, 1766, for the' Upper Parish, of Nansemond: Willis 
Riddick, Lemuel Riddick, William "Moor, James Gibson, Thomas 
Winborne, Josiah Riddick, Jacob Sumner, Edward Riddick, 1742. 
Ministers Mentioned: 1747, Rev. William Webb; Oct. 11, 1752, 
Rev. John McKenzie ; 1754, Rev. Mr. William W r ebb was paid 
for three sermons and Rev. Mr. John Agnew for half a year ; 
1766 complaint against Rev. Patrick Lunan. Donations for the 
poor: Richard Bennett's donation of land amounted to 4240 
acres, Tilley's 2051. See Heriing Statutes at Large, Vol. VII., 

Threshing Machine. — John Hobday invented in 1772 a 
machine for separating wheat from straw, for which he was 
awarded in 1774 a gold medal by the Philisophical Society of 
Virginia. This medal is now owned by the Virginia Historical 
Society. See references to the invention in Virginia Gazette, 
Nov. 10, 1722, and Nov. 19, 1772. "With care it could beat out 
120 bushels a day." See Williamsburg, the Old Colonial Capitol, 
by Tyler. 

Watch and Clock Makers in Williamsburg in 1772. — 
James Craig and Robert Egan. 

Latin ,Text Book 1764. — Hon. Henry Robinson Pollard, 
present city attorney of Richmond, and formerly speaker of the 
House of Delegates, sends the College Library a venerable text 
book bearing the writing in the inside of the front cover ''Rice 
Hooe his book, Glasgow Price 3s ij^d;" across the title page 
"John Savage" and on back of title page "Jacobus Marshall, e. 
Coll. Gul. & Mariae, Domini 1764." On the fly leaf at the end 
of the volume appear the words "Thomas Price ejus liber," and 

218 William and Mary Quarterly 

"Guielmus Stith ejus liber/' which last group of words is written 
over the first group. So that the book appears to have been suc- 
cessively the property of four students. On the same fly leaf at 
the end of the volume appear the names of James Davenport. Nat. 
Thomson, George Plater, E. Willcox, Gulielmus Stith, William 
Price, Thomas Price, Samuel Sweeney, Carter Braxton, King & 
Queen ; Wilson Cary, — who were doubtless the classmates of 
James Marshall, as the writing appears to resemble his autograph 
in the front of the book. All but two of the names written in the 
book appear in the published catalogue of the College, which, 
however, does not claim to present a complete student list at this 
time. Neither John Savage nor Nat Thompson appears in the 
Catalogue. Jacobus Marshall, or James Marshall, was second 
usher of the Grammar School in 1770. The book is entitled: 






CATO, MAJOR Sive de Senectute. 

LAELIUS Sive de Amicitia. 


Juxta Editionem Optimam GRAEVII Summa cura emendati, 

In Usum Juventutis Academicae 


Typis Academicis, Impansis 

Mr. Pollard writes: "I have as an heirloom of our family 
a Greek Lexicon printed at Cambridge in 1676, and used by my 

William and Mary Quarterly 219 

great grandfather, Henry Robinson, when a student at William 
and Mary College in 1764, at which time his uncle, John Robin- 
son, was Speaker of the House of Burgesses." 

Barraud, Dr. John Taylor, of Norfolk (born January 4, 
1788, died June 5, 1821), and Annie Blaws Hansford (born 1760, 
died 1836), daughter of Lewis Hansford, of Norfolk, a lineal 
descendant of Thomas Hansford, who was executed by Sir Wil- 
liam Berkeley, 13 Nov. 1676, " a martyr to the rights of the people 
to govern themselves." See "Old Kent of Maryland," p. 171 ; 
"Va. Hist. Collections," XL, 193-201. 

The late Richard H. Baker, Esq., of Norfolk, who died Feb. 
t, 191 3, was a nephew of Dr. Taylor and had in his possession a 
certificate which showed that Taylor was a pupil of the famous 
Sir Astley Cooper. A copy reads as follows : 



These art to CERTIFY that 


hath diligently attended the 


which I delivered at this Hospital 

in the years 1810-1811-1812. 

Witness my Hand. 

Astley Cooper. 
August 7th, 1 81 2. 

The Honor System. — For some months past Dr. Bird 
Baldwin, of Swarthmore College, Penn., in connection with Prof. 
Henry Messner, has been making a study of the Honor System 
in American Colleges. The results will comprise a book of about 
300 pages to be printed for free distribution,' here and abroad, 
by the United States Bureau of Education. So far the presidents 
and deans of 395 of the leading colleges and universities have con- 
tributed material. Of these it appears that the honor system is in 

220 William and Mary Quarterly 

vogue in 135 colleges and universities. Sixty institutions claim 
to have it in spirit but not in system; fifty-four are considering its 
adoption in the near future; five have had it in the past but are 
dropping it, in order to begin again in a new form ; one hundred 
and forty do not have it, and about thirty-five of these are de- 
cidedly opposed to it. "The first instance of an installation of the 
honor system was at William and Mary College in 1779. The 
University of Virginia adopted it in 1842; Charleston College in 
1843. The movement started in the South, and it is there that 
it is most maturely developed. During the last three years thirty- 
one colleges have formulated and adopted the system." The 
Phoenix, Swarthmore College, Swarthmore, Penn., October 28. 

liliatn anb fijatig College 

Quarter!? Bietortcai fDagajine* 

Vol. XXII. APRIL, 1914. No. 4. 


William Wirt was a man of great oratorical ability and an 
excellent writer of English. His fervid imagination, however, 
was not such as to commend him as a historian. Like all such 
men he delighted in vivid contrasts, and was utterly unable to 
appreciate the delicate differences in lights and shadows. The 
most charming of his essays in the ''British Spy," describing the 
Blind Preacher, is a glittering appeal to our love of contrasts. 
Wirt had the ambition to be considered the Virginia Addison, 
and wrote "His Letters of a British Spy" and ''The Old 
Bachelor" in this spirit. The idea of accuracy in his statements 
was, of course, entirely secondary with him. Especially in his 
"British Spy," as the name implies, it is certain that he did not 
intend to be taken seriously, and there is a vein of satire run- 
ning throughout. Indeed, in several places he puts a foot-note 
to remind the reader that he is writing the sentiments of a 

Virginia, at that time, was the head centre of the Republican 
influences in contrast with Massachusetts, which regarded the 
democratic view championed by our people as anarchic and de- 
structive to good government. Perhaps property was more un- 
equally distributed in Virginia than in New England. 1 though 
to nothing like the extent which prevails in the North to-day 
with its multi-millionaires and its population in the slums. But 

Nevertheless, John Adams in Congress in 1776 laid special emphasis 
on the degradation of the fishermen in New England and there were plenty 
of very rich men like John Hancock by way of contrast. 

222 William and Mary Quarterly 

as the menial duties performed by slaves in Virginia in Wirt's 
day. were performed by white men in Massachusetts, the body of 
white people in Virginia were far more independent than the 
body of white people in Massachusetts. 

This leads me to take notice of the following extract from 
William Wirt's "British Spy:" 

This inequality [of property] struck me with peculiar force in rid- 
ing through the lower counties on the Potomac. Here and there a stately 
aristocratic palace, with all its appurtenances,' strikes the view; while all 
around, for many mites, no other buildings are to be seen but the little 
smoky huts and log cabins of poor, laborious, ignorant tenants. And, 
what is very ridiculous, these tenants, while they approach the great 
house, cap in hand, with all the fearful, trembling submission of the 
lowest feudal vassals, boast in their court-yards, with obstreperous exulta- 
tion, that they live in a land of freemen, a land of equal liberty and equal 
rights. Whether this debasing sense of inferiority, which I have men- 
tioned, be a remnant of their colonial character, or whether it be that it 
is natural for poverty and impotence to look up with veneration to wealth, 
and power, and rank, I cannot decide. 

In this extract is blended Wirt's love of contrast with his 
assumed character as an unsympathetic alien. There were hand- 
some brick houses in East Virginia, but no palaces ; there were 
huts of white people in the far away mountains, but few, if any, 
white people in Eastern Virginia lived in huts and log cabins, 
though the slaves did so ; and the barons and vassals, which he 
speaks of were quite as unreal. It is, therefore, somewhat sur- 
prising ,to see Dr. Charles H. Ambler, Professor of History in 
Randolph Macon College, in his "Life of Thomas Ritchie" (Bell 
Book Stationery Co., Richmond, Va., 1913), apparently taking 
Wirt's statement seriously and asking the question: "Need one 
go farther for an answer to the question now frequently asked: 
Why did the poor non-slaveholders follow their leaders into 
secession?" The question as put endorses not only Wirt's state- 
ment as true of the time he wrote (1803), but actually as true 
of the time of secession (1861). 

Even if the statement of Wirt was true as applicable to things 
in 1803, surely a distance of fifty-eight years should have suggested 
to Mr. Ambler, writing as a historian, the unwisdom of any 

William and Mary Quarterly 223 

conclusion as to that time. The editor, though too young to 
enter the army himself, was brought up with that generation that 
went into secession and has lived nearly all his life in Eastern 
Virginia and knows that the whole statement concerning "pal- 
aces," "huts," "barons," and "vassals" applied to things in 1861 
is absolutely untrue. 

The following quotations from reputable writers will show 
that the charge of servility was never true of Eastern Virginia, 
either before the Revolution or after it; down to 1842 at least: 

(1) The Marquis de Chatellux says in his Travels (1780, 
1781, 1782) : 

For in the center of the woods, and wholly occupied in rustic business, 
a Virginian never resembles an European peasant: he is always a free- 
man, participates in the government, and has the command of a few 

(2) In 1815 William Wirt submitted the manuscript of his 
Patrick Henry to Judge St. George Tucker, of Williamsburg, 
for criticism. In its original form it contained reflections similar 
to those which had appeared in the "British Spy." The Judge, 
who ha'd superior information, both on account of his age, his 
social position and his public offices as a Revolutionary soldier 
and a judge, wrote as follows : 

"The picture of Society" (before 1776) "given on the same page, 
does not appear to me to be just. The rich rode in Coaches, or Chariots, 
or on fine horses, but they never failed to pull off their hats to a poor 
man whom they met, & generally, appear'd to me to shake hands with 
every man in a Courtyard, or a Churchyard, and as far as I could judge 
the planten who owned half a dozen negroes, felt himself perfectly upon 
a level with his rich neighbor that owned an hundred. I have already 
said there was no such thing as Dependence, in the lower counties, ex- 
cept in the case of overseers, who were generally such as they are de- 
scribed in page 4th My opinion of what is called the aristo- 
cracy of Virginia, at that period, is, that if ever' there were a race of 
harmless aristocrats, they presented that picture." x 

1 Edmund Randolph, whose family were aristocrats, if any were, 
describes the influence of the aristocracy just before the Revolution as 
"Little and feeble and incapable of daring to assert any privilege clash- 
ing with the rights of the people at large." Henry's Life of Henry, I., 209. 

224 William and Mary Quarterly 

(3) On January 26, 1842, Henry A. Wise made a speech in 
Congress during the course of which he observed that : 

Wherever black slavery existed there was, at least, equality among 
the white population; but where it had no place such equality was never 
to be found .... Look at England. He would not compare 
the white man of the North and the white servants there or stop to 
show their inequality." (Congressional Globe, 1843, page 173.) 

That Wirt's assertion was not true in 1861 of, the relations 
of rich and poor to one another is shown by the following state- 
ments of some of the best known men in East Virginia, who did 
go into secession. Statement of Judge George L. Christian, of 
Richmond, Virginia: 

I spent the first eighteen years of my life before '61 on the peninsula 
between the York and the James, and can truly say that I never saw or 
heard of any such state of society in that section as is described by Mr. 
Wirt; and I further state that I think your description of the state of 
society, as set forth in the Quarterly, Vol. 6, page 8,* entirely accurate 
and truthful, as far as my observation and experience went. 

In reply to the interrogatives in your letter: 

I. "Did our poor slave owners, and poor non-slave owners generally, 
cringe before the great slave owners and obey their dictates in the servile 
manner indicated by William Wirt? 7 ' 

I answer emphatically, they did not, and, in my opinion, you are not 
mistaken in "believing that the poorer the man, the more jealous he was 
of his rights and his liberties." 

II. "Did our great slave owners resemble, in any way, the barons 
of the fourteenth century who haughtily received the homage of their 
trembling vassals?" 

I answer, unhesitatingly, they did not, and that you are not mistaken 
in believing that they were "plain country gentlemen, courteous and 
polite to all classes of white men," and, I may truthfully add, to well- 
behaved colored men also. 

♦There were two circumstances which emphasized this character 
(democratic spirit) in the colony. The first was the isolated lives led 
by the colonists, and the second was the growth of slavery of the negro 
race. Isolation promoted self confidence and self-reliance, and negro 
slavery made race, and not class, the distinction in social life. The Vir- 
ginian was a democrat because he was servant or slave to no. man. I 

William and Mary Quarterly 225 

Prof. T. J. Stubbs (born 1842), of William and Mary Col- 
lege, writes: 

In answer to query I: They (the non-slave owners) did not cringe 
in any way. I do not believe that "the poorer the man the more jealous 
he was of his rights and his liberties," but the poor were jealous equally 
with the well-to-do, and more sensitive. 

In answer to query II : Slave owners were in no way like barons 
but ever hospitable, courteous, and polite to all classes of white men, and 
I might say to colored men and women. X&e educated Southern boy in 
the army was always courteous to the poor and ignorant of his company, 
and these poor and uncultured boys were men and soldiers in the best 
sense of each word. And in the army all were on perfect equality, each 
perfectly respectful and polite to the other. 

R. S. Thomas, Smithfield, Virginia, writes : 

In reply to your two questions I would say : I. That our ''poor slave 
owners and poor non-slave owners did not cringe before the great slave 
owners, and obey their dictates in the servile manner indicated by William 
Wirt. You are not mistaken in believing that the poorer the man the 
more zealous he was of his rights and liberties." 

II. Our great slave owners did not resemble the barons of the four- 
teenth century and did not receive the homage of their trembling vassals. 
You are not mistaken "in believing that they were plain country gentle- 
men, courteous and polite to all classes of white men" and negroes too. 

Maryus Jones, formerly Mayor of Newport News, writes: 

I have your letter of yesterday, and in reply to the same, will say, 
that I was born on the 8th day of July, 1844, and hence my memory 
does not run back to the times spoken of by William Wirt in his "Letters 

speak now more particularly of the eighteenth century, when the white 
servants had ceased to be imported in any great numbers. It must not 
be forgotten that if, as alleged, slavery tended to produce disparity be- 
tween the estates of the inhabitants, it also confirmed the independence of 
all white people; for if the rich relied entirely upon the negro as 
laborer, the poor man was necessarily compelled to be independent of 
both. In the South to-day every white man, no matter what his occupa- 
tion, has to be addressed as "Mister," which is not the case in the North, 
where the menial duties are performed by white servants. William and 
Mary College Quarterly, VI., p. 8. 

226 William and Mary Quarterly 

of a British Spy," nor to 1815, when he submitted his manuscript of 
"Patrick Henry" to Judge Tucker. 

But it does distinctly run back to the late fifties and early sixties. 

I have no hesitation in saying, that the poor slave owners, and poor 
non-slave owners generally, did not at that time cringe before the great 
slaveowners and obey their dictates in the servile manner, indicated by 
William Wirt; en the contrary the poorer man was the more jealous 
he was of his liberty and rights than the rich man. 

The great slave owners in no manner resembled what I have read of 
the barons of the fourteenth century who haughtily received the trembling 
vassals ; on the contrary the old Virginia gentlemen were courteous and 
polite to all classes, not only of the white men, but to the slaves them- 

I can distinctly remember, that the old Virginia gentleman would 
put himself out of the way to be polite to his poorer neighbor. 

Capt. C. B. Trevillian (born Sept. 15, 1838), Williamsburg, 
Va., writes: 

I was reared among the large slave owners of Va. and must say 
that they as a rule were Virginia Gentlemen, courteous and polite to all. 
Of course, their education and intelligence would cause the less favored 
to look up to them and seek advice. Slavery tended to make the poor 
white man jealous of his liberty and rights. 

Capt. L. W. Lane (born January 6, 1839), late Mayor of 
Williamsburg, writes : 

I. In replying to your favor of the 31st ultimo, will say, that I 
can't recall any such conditions existing between the poor slave-owners 
and the non-slave-owners and the wealthy planters as mentioned by 
William Wirt. 

p. No, our wealthy slave-owners were polite gentlemen, and treated 
the poor white men kindly and politely and often invited them into their 
houses and seated them at the their tables. 

Captain John Lamb (born June 12, 1840), late member of 
Congress (1898-1911), writes: 

The poor man was exceedingly jealous of his rights. The large slave 
owners were courteous to all classes. 

There is no truth in what Wirt says on this subject. The criticism 
of Judge Tucker is accurate and covers the case. 

William and Mary Quarterly 227 

Captain W. Gordon McCabe, President of the Virginia His- 
torical Society (born August 4, 1841), writes: 

The records prove that Wirt's statement was utterly untrue even in 
Revolutionary days. As applying to conditions in Virginia in 1861, it is 

not only absurd but grotesque Yes, I was born and bred 

in Virginia and have lived within her borders for over seventy years, and 
I think I may say that I know her people, "all sorts and conditions of 
men," from the mountains to the sea." As regard's matters of govern- 
ment, local and national, her rural population in 1861, and years previous 
was the best informed rural population I have ever seen either here or in 
Europe, and I have been much in New England and been in every 
country in Europe over and over again during forty years constant travel. 
They heard their neighbors, who were in both branches of Congress and 
who were making political history discuss on the Court Green what was 
being done. John B. Baldwin, Speaker of the Virginia House of Dele- 
gates, used to say that often when he was perplexed by questions that 
arose in the Legislature, he used to consult an old neighbor of his, who 
was of the "common people," and who cultivated with a very few negro 
hands a very small farm. I, myself, have met just such sagacious, common 
people. I lived for years in Smithfleld and Hampton and for several 
years on a large plantation on the James River — Westover — and was 
thrown intimately with all classes the lofty and the lowly alike. As for 
anything like subservience among the "common people," I repeat, the 
whole foolish contention is grotesque. Never did white "common people" 
lose their sturdy independence of judgment and action, nor did they 
"follow their leaders in to Secession." On the contrary, they were, as a 
whole, ''for the Union," and the delegates elected by them to what is 
known as the "Secession Convention," were, at the first, in overwhelming 
majority. "Lincoln's Proclammation," in vulgar phrase, "did the busi- 
ness," and they displayed the highest sort of independence in changing 
their minds, when the sovereignty of Virginia was imperilled. When 
the die was cast, and Virginia flew to arms, these "common people" 
showed the same independence in the election of officers to command. 
Before I became an officer in '62, I served as a private in the ranks, 
voted for and cheerfully obeyed, officers that belonged to the same sturdy 
yeomanry, and so did my comrades, many of whom were, like myself, 
university men. 

Let us hear the testimony of a New England historian, whose words 
may (I do not know) be listened to with respect by the so-called "New 
School."* Mr. Henry Adams, of Massachusetts, writes in his History 
of the United States": "No where in America existed better human 
material than in the middle and lower classes of Virginia. As explorers, 
adventurers, fighters, wherever courage, activity and force were 
wanted, they had no equals" (mark that!); but they had never known 

228 William and Mary Quarterly 

discipline and were beyond measure jealous of restraint. Jefferson with 
all his liberality of ideas, was Virginian enough to discourage the intro- 
duction of manufactures and the gathering of masses in cities without 
which no new life could grow. Among the common people, intellectual 
activity was confined to hereditary common places of politics, resting on 
the axiom that Virginia was the typical Society of future Arcadia 
America. To escape the tyranny of Caesar by perpetuating the simple 
and isolated lives of their Father, was the law of their political philoso- 
phy; to fix upon the National Government the stamp of their own idyllic 
conservatism was the height of their ambition. Debarred from manu- 
factures, possessed of no shipping, and enjoying no domestic market, 
Virginia energies necessarily knew no other (resources than, agriculture. 
. . . . The Virginians concentrated their thoughts almost exclusively 
on politics, and this concentration produced ■ a result so distinct and 
lasting, and in character so respectable, that American History would 
lose no small part of its interest in losing the Virginia School." That 
"among the common people, intellectual activity was confined to the 
hereditary common places of politics," I know to be untrue from long 
personal experiences among that class, which Mr. Adams cannot pretend 
to, as you know from your easy mastery of Virginia history and politics, 
but, at least, his is a far truer picture of the ante-bellum "middle and 
lower classes of Virginia," than this "book-learnt" portraiture of them as 
a mass of "dumb driven cattle," who "followed" the beck and nod of 
their "leaders," cringing, "cap in hand." 

T|iese "middle and lower classes, were sturdy" sons of the soil," 
who did their own thinking, and it is an old story that the complacent 
and "superior" "rhetorical question" is often a boomerang. 

* By the term "New School," Capt. McCabe refers to some young 
men of Southern parentage, who, having been educated at the great 
Northern Universities, profess to examine the facts of history from an 
"impartial standpoint." The impartiality generally ends in adopting the 
views current in the North, and somehow most of these later writers 
have drifted to that section as a field of labor more congenial to their 
feelings or ambition. My study of history shows me that the South 
has suffered most from the lack of a faithful sympathetic study of its 
conditions. It is true that everything about it has been more or less 
misrepresented at the hands of Northern writers, but this has been largely 
due to a lack of sufficient data. This "New School" might do a real 
service if they would only set to work and provide abundance of statistics 
on all subjects, on which impartial history might really found a true 
judgment. Unfortunately the attitude of the "New School" is one of 
"flippancy" and "cock-sureness" in dealing with questions which really 
involve the most serious study and consideration, suggesting very guarded 
expressions of opinion. — Editor. 

William and Mary Quarterly 229 


Copied by the clerk, John S. Crawford, from the Records of 
Greenbrier County at the request of Judge G. A. Vincent, Fair- 
mont, West Virginia. 

John Stuart was the son of David Stuart and Margaret Lynn, a kins- 
woman of Margaret Lynn who married John Lewis, of County Donegal, 
Ireland, the father of Andrew and Thomas Lewis, of Augusta County. 
John Stuart was employed by John Lewis in locating land in West 
Virginia, and finally settled on the Greenbrier river. He was frequently 
engaged in Indian wars, was a member of the House of Delegates during 
the Revolution, and for more than a quarter of a century was county 
clerk. He was also county lieutenant of Greenbrier County, and in 1788 
was a member of the State Convention called to pass upon the Federal 
Constitution and voted for its adoption. He married about 1774 Agatha, 
widow of John Frogg, of Augusta, and daughter of Thomas Lewis, son 
of John Lewis. See for sketch of John Stuart, Grigsby, Convention of 
1788, 25-31. 

Memorandum — 1798, July 15th (By John Stuart). 

Ttie inhabitants of every County and place are desirous to 
enquire after the first founders, and in order to gratify the curi- 
ous or such who may hereafter incline to be informed of the 
origin 01 f the settlements made in Greenbrier, I leave this 
Memorandum for their satisfaction being the only person at 
this time alive acquainted with the circumstances of its discovery 
& manner of settling. 

Born in Augusta County, and the particulars of this place 
often related to me from my childhood by the first adventurers I 
can relate with certainty that our river was first discovered about 
the year 1749 by the white people, some say Jacob Marlin was the 
first person who discovered it, others that a man of an unsound 
mind who's name I do not now remember had wandered from 
Frederick County through the mountains and on his return re- 
ported he had seen a river running westward supposed to be 
Greenbrier River. However Jacob Marlin and Stephen Sniel 
were the first settlers at the mouth of Knapp's Creek above what 

230 William and Mary Quarterly 

is now called the little levels on the land still bearing the name 
of Marlins. These two men lived there in a kind of hermitage 
having no famileys, but frequently differing in sentiment which 
ended in rage, Marlin kept possession of the Cabin whilst Sneil 
took up his abode in the trunk of a large tree at a small distance, 
and thus living more independent their animositys would abate, 
& socibility ensued — not long after they had made their settle- 
ment on the river, the county was explored by the late Genrl. 
- Andrew Lewis at that time a noted and famous woodsman, 
on who's report an order of Counsel was' soon obtained granting 
one hundred thousand acres of lands on Greenbrier to the Honbl. 
Robinson (Treasurer of Virginia) to the number of Twelve in- 
cluding old Col. John Lewis and his two sons William & Charles, 
with the condition of settling the lands with inhabitants, and cer- 
tain emolumts of three pounds per hundred acres to themselves — 
But the war breaking out between England & France in the year 
1755 and the Indians being excited by the French to make War 
on the back inhabitants of Virginia, all who were then settled 
on Greenbrier were obliged to retreat to the older settlements 
for safety, amongst whom was Jacob Marlin but Sniel fell a 
sacrifice to the enemy: This was ended in 1762 and then some 
people returned and settled in Greenbrier again, amongst whom 
was Archibald Clendenen who's residence was on the lands now 
claimed by John Davis by virtue of an intermarriage with his 
Daughter and lying two miles west of Lewisburg. 

The Indians breaking out again in 1763 came up the Kanawha 
in a large body to the number of sixty and coming to the house 
of Frederick Sea on Muddy Creek, were kindly entertained by 
him and Felty Yolkcom ; not suspecting their hostile design were 
suddenly killed & their famileys, with many others made pris- 
oners : then proceeding over the mountain they came to Archibald 
Clendenens, who like Sea & Yolkcom, entertained them untill 
they put him to death, his family with a number of others liv- 
ing with him being all made prisoners or killed, not any one es- 
caping except Conrad Yolkcom who doubting the design of the 
Indians when they came to Clendenens took his horse out under 
the pretense of hobbleing him at some distance from the house — 

William and Mary Quarterly 231 

soon after some guns was fired at the house and a loud cry raised 
the people, whereupon Yolkcom taking the alarm mounted his 
horse and rode off as far as where the Court House now stands, 
and there beginning to ruminate whither he might not be mis- 
taken in his apprehension, concluded to return and know the truth 
but just as he came to the corner of Clendenens fence some In- 
dians placed there, presented their guns and attempted to shoot 
him, but their guns all missing fire (he thinks at least ten) he 
immediately fled to Jackson's river alarming the people as he 
went, but few were willing to believe rhim, the Indians pursued 
after him and all that fell in their way were slain untill they 
went on Carrs Creek now in Rockbridge County, so much were 
people in them days intimidated by an attack of the Indians that 
they suffered to retreat with all their Booty, and more prisoners 
than there was Indians in their party. 

I will here relate a narrative of Archibald Clendenen's wife 
being prisoner with her young child as they were passing over 
Keeney's nob from Muddy Creek, a part of the Indians being 
in front with the remainder behind & the prisoners in the center, 
Mrs. Clendenen handed her child to another woman to carry 
and she slipped to one side and hid herself in a bush, but the 
Indians soon missing her one of them observed he would soon 
bring the Cow to her calf and taking the child caused it to cry 
very loud but the mother not appearing he took the infant and 
beat out its brains against a tree, then throwing it down in the 
road all the people and horses that were in the rear passed over 
it untill it was trod to pieces, many more cruelties were com- 
mitted two hard to be related, & too many to be contained in this 

Thus was Greenbrier once more depopulated for six years, 
but a peace being concluded with Indians in 1765 and the lands 
on the Western waters with certain bounderys being purchased 
at a Treaty at Fort Stanwix by Andw. Lewis & Thomas Walker 
Commissioners appointed by Government, the people again re- 
turned to settled in Greenbrier in 1769 and I myself was amongst 
the first of those last adventurers, being at that time about nine- 
teen years of age with Robert McClenachan, another very young 

232 William and Mary Quarterly 

man, our design was to secure lands & incourage a settlement in 
the Country but the Indians breaking out again in 1774 Col. 
Andrew Lewis was ordered by the Earl of Dunmore (then Gov- 
ernor of Virginia.) to march against them with fifteen hundred 
volunteers militia which army march from Camp Union (now 
Lewisburg) the nth day of September 1774 two companys of 
the said army being raised in Greenbrier & commanded by Capt. 
Robert McClenachan & myself we were met by the Indians on 
the 10th day of October at the mouth of the Kanawha & a very 
obstinate engagement insued the Indians were defeated, tho with 
the loss of seventy five officers & Soldiers, amongst the slain 
was Col. Chads Lewis who commanded the Augusta Militia & 
my friend Capt. Robt. McClenachan. Col. And. Lewis pursued 
his victory crossing the Ohio until! we were in sight of some 
Indian Town on the waters of Siota where we were met by the 
Earl of Dunmore who commanded an army in person and had 
made his rout by the way of Fort Pitt. The Governor capitulat- 
ing with the Indians Col. Lewis was ordered to retreat and the 
next year hostilities commenced between the British & Ameri- 
cans at Boston in New England and I have since been informed 
by Col. Lewis, That the Earl of Dunmore (the Kings Governor) 
knew of the attack to be made upon us by the Indians at the 
mouth of Kanawha, and hoped our destruction, this secret was 
communicated to him by indisputable authority. Independence 
being declared by America the 4th of July, 1775 [sic], and the 
people assuming the rains of Government a County was granted 
to the people of Greenbrier under the commonwealth in May 
1778, and a Court was first held at my house on the 3rd Tuesday 
in said Month. 

Not long after which we were invaded again by the Indians 
who had taken part with the British & on the 28th day of same 
Month Col. Andrew Donallys House was attacked abought eight 
miles from Lewisburg by two hundred Indians these Indians 
were pursued from the mouth of the Kanawha by two scouts 
from that garrison to-wit : Phil Harmon & John Pryor, & pass- 
ing the Indians at the Meadows gave inteligence to Col. Donally 
of their approach who instantly collected about twenty men, & 

William and Mary Quarterly 233 

the next morning sustained the attack of the enemy until he was 
relieved about Two o'clock by sixty men from Lewisburg, I 
was one of the number and we got into the house unhurt, being 
favored by a field of Rye which grew close up to the house the 
Indians being all on the opposite side of the house, four men 
were killed before we got in and about sixteen Indians lay dead 
in the yard before the door, some of these were taken off in 
the night but we scalped nine the next morning, this was the last 
time the Indians invaded Greenbrier in any large party. Peace 
with the British followed in 1781 and then the people of this 
County began to make some feble efforts to regulate their society, 
and to open roads and passes for wagons through the Mountain 
which by many had been thought impracticable, no wagon at 
that time having approached nearer than the Warm Springs. 
On petition the Assembly granted a law impowering the Court 
to levy a certain Annual sum in commutables from the inhabitants 
for the purpose of opening a road from the Court-house to the 
Warm Springs. a conveyance so necessary for the importa- 
tion of salt and other necessarys of Lumber as well as conveying 
our hemp and other heavy wares to market would readily be ex- 
petted to receive the approbation of every one, but such is the 
perverse disposition of some men unwilling that any should share 
advantages in preference to themselves that this laudable meas- 
ure was oposed by Mr. William Hutchinson who had first repre- 
sented the County in General Assembly on this occassion 

without the privity of the people went at his own expense to 
Richmond & by his insinuations to some of the members with 
unfair representations obtained a suspension of the law for two 
years, but the following year Col. Thomas Adams who visited 
this County satisfied with the impropriety of Hutshinsons repre- 
sentation had the suspension repealed and full powers were al- 
lowed to the Court to Levy Money for the purpose aforesaid, and 
by this means a waggon road was opened from the Court-house 
to the Warm Springs which made way for the same to the Sweet 
Springs — The paper Money emited for mentaining our war 
against the British became totally depreciated & there was not 
sufficient quantity of specie in circulation to enable the people 

234 William and Mary Quarterly 

to pay the revenue tax assessed upon the Citizens of this County 
wherefore we fell in arrears to the public for four years — But 
the Assembly again taking our remote situation under considera- 
tion graciously granted the sum of five thousand pounds of our 
said arrears to be applied to the purpose of opening a road from 
Lewisburg to the Kanawha river. 

The people greatful for such indulgence willingly embraced 
the opportunity of such an offer and every person liable for 
arrears of tax agreed to perform labor equivalent on the road, 
and the people being formed into districts with each a superin- 
tendent the road was completed in the space of tw r o months in 
the year 1786 and there was a communication by waggons to 
the navigable waters of the Kanawha effected and which will 
probably be found the nighest and best conveyance from the 
Eastern to the Western Country that will ever be known — may 
I here hazard a conjecture that has often occured to me since 
I inhabited this place, that nature has designed this part of the 
world a peaceable retreat for some of her favorite children, 
where pure morals will be preserved by separating them from 
from other societys at so respectful a distance by ridges of moun- 
tains, and I sincerely wish time may prove my conjuecture ra- 
tional and true — from the Springs of salt water discoverable 
along our river, banks of Iron Ore, mines pragnant with salt- 
peter, & forrists of sugar trees so amply provided & so easily 
acquired I have no doubt but the future inhabitants of this County 
will surely avail themselves of such singular advantages greatly 
to their comfort and satisfaction and render them a greatful 
and happy people. 

It will be remembered that Lewisburg was first settled by 
Capt. Mathew Arbuckle after the town was laid off in the year 
1780 and took its name in Honor of the Family of the Lewis's 
in consiquence of their holdings a large claim in the Greenbrier 
Grant. Arbuckle was killed the following year in a storm of 
wind by the falling of a tree on a branch leading from the turns 
of the waters of Anthonys Creek to Jacksons river he was dis- 
tinguished for his bravery especially in the Battle with the In- 
dians at Point Pleasant. 

William and Mary Quarterly 235 

(Continued from p. 89.) 

Corrections. — On page 74, at the bottom thereof appears the follow- 
ing statement: "And on the west of this Bay settled Capt. West and on 
the east settled Capt. Utie. East of Captain West settled Francis Morgan 
and near him on the east side of Yorktown Creek was Captain Richard 
Townsend." This is badly jumbled in the copying or typesetting and 
should read : "And on the east of this Bay settled Capt. West and on 
the west settled Capt. Utie. East of Captain West settled Francis Morgan 
and near him on the west side of Yorktown Creek was Captain Richard 

April! the 23 th 1646 p r sent. 
Capt. John West 
Capt. W m Brocas 
Geo. Ludlowe 
Capt. Richard Townshend. 
Esq r3 

It is ordered (according to an order of the last Grand Assem- 
bly dated the 20 th of March 1645 w ^ tn tne consent of Edw: 
Wyate Administra r of the estate of John Clarke dec plaintiffe 
and Capt Robert Higginson defend 1 that the sd. Edw: Wyate is 
to Inioye fifty poles breadth of land (next adoining the land of 
Henry Tyler sittuate in the midle plantation pale) forever And 
ye sd Capt Higginson to inioye the howse he nowe lives in with 
one moyety of a tobacco howse till ye tenth day of December 
next and what howses the sd Capt Higginson shall build or re- 
paire upon ye sd land vis p r sent yeare at y e surrender thereof 
to y e s d Wyate at the tyme afToresd the sd Wyate to pay him 
for in tobacco or worke as shall be appraysed or valued by W m 
Davis and Henry Tyler. And that the sd Wyate & Capt Higgin- 
son shall for yis p r sent yeare plant uppon y e s d land according 
to yere hands & proportionably. And that Capt Robert Higgin- 
son shall take upp for himselfe & his heires forever one hundred 
pole breadth of land according to a former grant next adjoyning 

236 William and Mary Quarterly 

to y* abofesd fifty poles of Edw : Wyates land that is to say 
fifty pole upon the land last in y e possession of Edw : Wyate 
exec to John Clarke dec. And fifty pole of land next adjoyning 
yereunto of M r Nich : Brookes wch according to yere owne agree- 
ment & consent is hereby confirmed by virtue of vis order to 
be pformed on both ptes accordingly. 
March the 20 th 1645 By the Grand Assembly 

Upon the difference between Edw: Wyatt administraf of 
John Clarke dec plaint and Capt. Robert Higginson defendt is 
by order of yis p r sent Grand Assembly referred to y e cj^snall 
determination of Capt. John West, Capt. \\ 7m Brocas, Capt. 
Richard Townshend & M r George Ludlowe Esq 6 to be 
by yem fully debated & concluded upon y e sixte daye of April 
next And Capt. Higginson is to have timely notice * * * 
order to ^vide himselfe accordingly 

John Corker Cler to the Burgesses 

(copia) originalis 
(Robert) Bouthe Cler 

Inventory of George Hopkins Minister dec. taken the last day of 

October, 1645: 

Imp r mis 3 old sowes in the woods & not to be found 

16 yonge shotes about a yeare old 

7 yonge shotes now about 4 mounthes old 

one man servant haveing a yeare to serve 

sixe bb,ls of corne & cloathes 

one mayd servant twoee yeares to serve 

one smale fram table & twoe smale cheeres 

on couch 

one cradle 

one forme frame 

one smale table more at 

one pistole at 

one bedstead 

one Iron Pott about 3 gall° & Pott hooke 

*The values affixt to the different articles are worn away. 

William and Mary Quarterly 237 

one white Quilt for a bed 

one greene Carpett 

15 Holland napkins & one table 

one stuffe Cloake 

twooe old diap table Cloathes & twooe towells 

twooe %}re of old sheetes 

twooe ^3 re of old pillow beeres 

an old chamber pott and brasse Candle sticke 

one old dining castor 

one old trunke 

one small skellett 

his library of old bookes in a little smale .... 

made of the servants cropp of tobacco 

made of the servants croop of corne 

one smale Cleane pay booke 

one smale sea bedd & Rugg 

one small brasse morter & pestle 

one beaver broch & one other old broch 

Item one feather (bed) with the appurtenants belonging 

one smale gould Ringe 

Jurat 1 " Coram John West 

Among debts paid by his administrator Elizabeth Hopkins his 

wife are "tobacco due Capt John West Esq for diett 2 yeares, — 

one yeare for Mr. Hopkins & one yeare for himselfe wife and 

twooe servants." 

Att a Court holden for the county of Yorke the 25 th of May 
1646. p r sent &c. 

The Court hath made Choyce of Thomas Jeffreyes to be 
constable for the upp pte of Hampton pish in the place & stead 
of Joseph Torquinton and Capt W m Taylor is hereby desired to 
administer the oath of constable to y e s d Jeffreyes. 
"W m W T hitby gentle" sells to Richard Lee 100 acres of land "on 
the north side of Yorke river at y e head of tindalls Creek where 
the s d Lee lived before y e Massacre, the s d land being pte of a 
greater devident purchased by Geo. Ludlowe Esq and me W m 
Whitby of Argoll Yeardley Esq and is alsoe included in the 
survey here alsoe recorded." — dated May 25, 1646. 

238 William and Mary Quarterly 

signed delivered & acknowledge in Court at Yorke in p r sence of 
W m Brocas, Phillip Thacker, Ro. Bouth Cler Cur. 
John Abercrumway's will dated April 4, 1646, recorded May 25, 
1646 — bequeathes to goodman Jolly three cows and a steer " in 
the old field" and two yearling steres, "half the plantacon with 
the howseing again that I bought of him," r 'all my weareing 
cloathes both linen & woolen," "all my share of Hogs both, young 
& old" — and to his wife "wholly & solely that noe man shall 
medle with, one cowe & calfe that I had of Capt Chisman," also 
two other cow calves and "my trunk." To his countryman W m 
Trumbull he gives "one cow calfe that is weanable," and to 
Ralph Boger the bed & furniture belonging to it that is mine &c. 

"Item I will that if it please god I depart yis life ; that all 
things be pformed according as it is herebefore specified & will 
that good man Jolly see me buryed like a man, that nothing be 
lacking, & if it pleases god that hee restore me to my former 
health I may enjoy yem myselfe to ye true pformance hereof I 
y e s d John Abercrumway hath hereunto put my hand." 
Indenture between W m Caynehood of Cheskiack Clarke and 
Thomas Scarlett by which the former sells 50 acres in Cheskiacke 
in the County of Charles River on Utyes creek northwest upon 
y e land of John Dennett now in y e possession of W m Barber &c. 
Dated 10 th September 1640 — This land was granted to Caynhood 
by patent dated Sept. 26, 1639. 

Att a Court holden for the County of Yorke yis 6 th of June 1646. 
p r sent &c: 

The estate of Thomas Smalcombe is debt 1 " to disbursements 
as ffolloweth: 

March the 10 th 1645 t u 

To Thomas Gibson for twoe sheets 0100 

To twoe pre of shoes 0080 

To Rondell Revell for twoe barrells of corne 0300 

To twoe gall & a halfe of sacke bought of Thomas 

Broughton 0100 

To one botle of drames bought Tho: Broughton . . . .0025 

To cheese bought of Robert Lewis 0100 

To beeres sent him in y e tyme of his sickness 0036 

To the diett at y e ordinary at James City 0035 

William and Mary Quarterly 239 

To one blue scarffe 0050 

To diet five mounths at Gibson's 0300 

To tob : p'd John Brock as <p att r & receipt 0530 
To his funerall charges — one steere about 4 yeares 

old 0700 

To one barrel of strong beere 0260 

To a coffin 0250 

To two pounds of Powder spent at his funerall 0024 

To the minister, Clarke & Sexton for his buriell 0040 

Thomas Wilkinson as <p receipt 0270 - 

Thomas Taylor as ep bill & receipt 0330 

To Mr. Gill as <p bill & receipt 0310 

To Robert Taylor as <p bill & receipt 0475 

To Robert Broughton as <p account & receipt 0476 

To Tho: Broughton for caske with the tobacco 0030 

To William Coxe as ^9 bill & receipt 0090 

To M r John Corker 01 61 

To John Yaughan as .<jp bill and receipt 0150 - 

To Church-wardens for ^ish Dutyes 0014 

To tob : in rowle lent him in 0020 

To John Underwood as %5 receipt 0030 
To M r Robert Vaus for M r Tho : Vaus p bill & acco* 

as ^9 receipt 1022 
To charges in will %3bate & recording will & severall 

peticons 0300 

To M r Deacon as %9 receipt 0213 

6701 b. 
The estate of Thomas Smallecombe is Cr tr 

b. tob 
By tobacco allowed him by the Assembly for his servis 

at fort Royall 4000 

By two Indians sold S r W m Berkeley 0600 

By two Indians sold John Harrison 0500 

By an Indian sold Capt Thomas Petters 0600 

By Inventory as appeareth 0630 

Sume is • 6330 

240 William and Mary Quarterly 

June the 26 th 1646 

Wee find find «p Inventory received y e estate cre d 0630 

More by Thomas Gibson's acco* 57°o 


Estate debt r , ^ good proffe as bills taken in and 

receipts soe much pd by Tho: 

Gibson 3581 

Rests for the Court to have Tho: Gibson prove p'd 3120 

The wch was yis day proved by the 
oath of Thomas Gibson and allowed 
by the court 

Teste me Ro. Bouth CI. Cur. 

The will of Richard Elrighton — dated May 26, 1646, recorded 
June 16, 1646. 

"Item for my worldly estate I give & bequeathe unto the 
poore of St. Martins of the feilds tenn pounds sterling to be dis- 
tributed to the sev r all oldest men as far it shall extend at twooe 
shillings sixe pence "<p piece." To Anne Claxon "servant to M r 
Pryor" he gives "y e p'duce of one hoghd of tobacco which was 
sent by me y e testator unto M r Ralph Barrett yis last year," three 
hogsheads of tobacco he gives to Mary Keton, and all the rest 
of his property to M r W m Pryor and his daughters "Mrs. Mar- 
garett & Mary Pryor." 

Thomas Broughtons Inventory — amounting to 3858 b. tobacco. 
John Eaton's Inventory — amounting in value to 2702 b. tobacco. 
John Brooke of Boxford in the County of Essex clothyer ap- 
points Henry Brooke Merchant resident in Virginia his true & 
lawful attorney — acknowledged before John Eanes notary public 
in the city of London. 

John Bell's deed to John Williams of 250 acres, which land was 
granted unto Samuel Watkeys by patent bearing date 1639 anc * 

William and Mary Quarterly 241 

sold to Bell by Watkeys June 10, 1641. This land is described in 
the patent "as lying and being in the county of Charles River 
in the fTorest adjoining unto the land of John Utie, extending 
itself from the head of King's Creeke westerly to y e Mayden 
swamp adjoining to the land formerly granted unto him the 
said Watkeys by assignment of Joseph Croshaw for y e trans- 
portation of five persons into the Collony." Dated October 1, 


Joseph Croshaw of Hampton parish in the County of Yorke in 
Virginia planter sells to Richard Croshaw of the same place 
planter 160 acres "sittuate on the north side of Queenes creeke 
and adjoining to y e Indian feild," (being portion of a tract 
granted to Joseph Croshaw October 29, 1643). Dated 14 th day 
of June 1646. 

An order that the difference between Capt Robert Higginson and 
John Wetherford be referred to the July court "in regard y e 
dangerousness of the tyme will not pmitt (Higginson) to leave 
the Charge & Care of his undertakings at the Midle plantacon 
pale vis p r sent court." 

The Court doth order according to an act of Assembly that John- 
Hansford & Robert Lewis for Hampton parish, Samuel Sallis 
and Jeffrey Power for Yorke, Edward Mitchell & Abraham 
Turner for Powquoson pish, shall take a pfect list of all the 
tytheables psons in y e s d sev r all pish s as alsoe of all cowes of 
three yeares old, horses, mares & geldings of three yeares old 
& upwards, sheep & goates and yat yey pforme y e same & de- 
liver y e s d list to y e sherifle by y e 25 th of yis p r sent June and 
that every mans name be taken Spticularly. 

Att a court holden for the County of Yorke the 24 th of July 
1646 whereas John Underwood, "who maryed the relict of Wil- 
liam Caynhood" &c. an order enter for a quietus concerning 
the estate of said Caynhood. 

Whereas if appears to y e court that Christ: Boyse stands in- 
debted to y e credit 1 " 3 of the estate of S r John Harvey the sume 
of twoe thousand twoe hundred Eighty & fovver (powndes) of 
tobacco stript & smoothed The Court doth order that the sd 
Christopher Boyse shall make payment of the sd twooe thousand, 

242 William and Mary Quarterly 

twooe hundred Eighty fouer pounds of tob stript & smoothed 

to .the s d George Ludlow esq for the use of y e cred rs as afToresd 

with court charges on y e first of November next and that he 

put in security for payment yereof (within tenn dayes) ells 


July the 25 th 1646 

P r sent — Capt Richard Townshend Esq M r Hugh Gwinn 

Capt Nicholas Martian M r Rob 1 Vaus 

M r John Chew 
The court doth order that yose forty men whoe weare by order 
and list appointed to pay work unto fTrancis Peper for his last 
March against the Indians shall make payment of half a day's 
work appeace to y e s d Peper uppon demand as also the sume of 
one hundred pounds of tobacco the wch he layd out for his 
^vson for y e s d servis. 

John Brock's judgment against Martin Westerlinke Attorney of 
Alexander Gregory for "a watch and diamond like stone" to be 
returned to him at the next shipping in 1647. 
The will of Christopher Stookes of the new Powquoson in y e 
County of Charles River, dated June 8, 1646. 
Leaves half of his estate to his wife Abiatris Stookes and the 
other halfe to his brothers William and Francis Stokes. 
An Inventory of the estate of Thomas Trotter value 1380 b. 

Debtor and Creditor accounts against the estate of Edward 
Percivall & W m Caynhood. 
Among items of the creditor account (Mr. Caynhood) "for 

funerall charges 0580 b. tob, pd M r Lee for Physicke in the 

tym of his sickness 0440" 

M r ffr: Willis: 

Loveing flrend after saiutacons This is to accompany the in- 
closed acco 1 of Capt Wormely as alsoe in 'my absence to Authorize 
to recover and receive it. M r John Chew the bearer hereof can 
testifie the often demand thereof as alsoe the reason why it is 
unsatisfied to whom I refer & comite yo u to God & rest 
Yo rs to command 

Peeter Knight 

William and Mary Quarterly 243 

I pray yo u send me alsnch writings as doe concerne m r Silvester 

for want of his tob last yeare I was forced 2d per cent wch is 

great losse unto me P. K l 

Debtor and creditor accounts against the estate of W m Baulke 


A Xiong the charges : to funerall charges sermon with his 

buriall & grave digging 1000 

To Henry Poole Clu of Eliz. County 0192 

To Goodman Christmas <p order 0080 

&c &c 
John Brock's deed of gift of "a stocke of Beds" to his god sons 
Joseph & Benjamin Croshaw, sons of Joseph Croshaw — 8 th June 

4 25 th July 1646 

Goods that John Adison and some others took upp belonging to 
the estate of Edward Percivall at y e s d Percivall's Plantation 
wch y e afforesd Adison satisfied y e men yat weare in his com- 
pagny by giveing yem five shooes, y e pcells of goods weare as 
followeth being brought to y e house of George Ludlow esq 
in M r Mottroms shallop yere to be left until any have power to 
clayme yem 
Imp mi3 2 Runletts of Powder 

about twenty powndes of shott 

five paire of shooes 

one brasse Kettle of twelve gallons 

one iron pott of Eight Gallons 

Sixe Iron wedges 

three prooves ( ?) 

twoe Iron pestles 

five hundred of twenty peny nayles 

one grindstone 

One cannowe 30 pole long 

One wascoate 

One table cloath 

One fier shovell 

One tinn dripping pann 

One smoke I pre Rider Irones 

One dram Cupp 

244 William and Mary Quarterly 

More goods of the s d Percivall taken upp by Richard Price and 
brought in M r Mottroms shallop, 2 pewter dishes, 2 pewter 
porringers 2 hollow . . , 1 Iron pott, one pre pott Hookes one 
frying pann. 

Whereas M r Hugh Gwin hath made a debt appeare to y e Court 
of York County against the estate of Edw: Percivall dec These 
p r sents shall witness that I John Adison doe by these p r sents 
Assign unto M r Hugh Gwin my Ryght of y e goods within 
specified for satisfacon of y e s d debt I y e s d Adison being 
y e lawfull administrate* of y e s d Percivall. Witness my hand 
July 25 th 1646 

John Adison 
Witness Tho Dobbs, Arthur Price. 

24 th September 1646. 
Susan English granted Letters of admsn on the estate of her 
deceased husband W ra English. 

25 th of September 1646. 
"In the difference depending betwixt M rs Sarah Googins plantifTe 
and M r Nicholas Brooke defend 1 for & concerning a debt of five 
thousand pounds of tob: & caske, the s d Nicholas Brooke doe 
appeale to the Governor and Counsell, at y e next Quarter Court 

September the 26 th 1646 
p r sent, 

Capt Nicholas Martian, Capt John Chisman 
Capt William Taylor M r Row : Burnham 

An order directing W m Light to be paid out of the county levy 
300 pounds of tob & caske. 

Whereas Thomas Deacon did arrest Daniell Wilkinson servant 
to flrancis Willis and yere appeareing noe cause of accon against 
him The Court doth therefore order that the s d deacon be non- 
suited & pay to the s d Willis one hundred powndes of tob for 
y 9 lost of his servant's tyme & charge he hath been at in diet 
dureing y e Court otherwise exec. 

Be it known unto all men by these p r sents that wee Henry Lee 
and Richard Lee both of the County of Yorke planters doe 
acknowledge & confess ourselves indebted unto M rs Sibella ftel- 

William and Mary Quarterly 245 

gate the relict and late wife of Capt. Robert fTelgate gentle de- 
ceased the full some of twenty thousand weyght of good and 
marchantable tob: in caske to y e true pformance whereof we 
bind ourselves our heyres, exec trs and Adm rs firmly by these 
p r sents. Witness our hands and seals yis 29 th of January, 1644. 
The condition of yis obligacon is such that whereas the above 
bownden Henry Lee have received of the above named M re 
Sibella flelgate nine head of Cattle belonging unto John Adkins 
(vizt) sixe cowes, on twooe yeare old heifer one yeareling heifer 
and cow calfe wch s d Cattle weare formerly in the custody of 
Capt Robert flelgate as having marryed the mother of the s d 
John Adkins whoe is the brother of Marah the wife of the above 
bownden Henry Lee, now if the said Henry Lee & Richard Lee 
or either of there heires &c shall &c save defend and keepe harm- 
less &c. Witnessed by Hugh Gwin, Tho: Bassett, W m Lee. 
Deposition of Nicholas Brooke, aged 28 — this 25 th day of Sep- 
tember 1646. 

Deposition of Thomas Heath aged 36 yeares or thereabouts 
sworne saith : That Thomas Gibson did in An 1643 passe his 
bill unto Henry Brooke for fower thousand pounds of tobacco & 
caske for and in consideration of fower servants wch weare to 
be delivered at or before the nativity of our blessed Lord & 
Saviour Christ Jesus then next ensueing wch servants weare 
never delivered as this depot cann & doth testifie & further saith 
not. Tho. Heath. 

Charles Smith of Yorke bond to flrancis Compton, binding "the 
whole oropp of tobacco of me & my man John Shephard" for the 
payment of "three thousand fower hundred pounds of Marchant- 
able tobacco in leafe, & caske to contayne the same." 13 th day of 
April 1646. 

Inventory of the estate of John Davis of Queen's Creek taken 
4 th Sept. 1646 — value 3066 b. tob. 

Att a Court holden for the County of Yorke the 20 th October 
1646. It is ordered with the consent of M r Edmund Chisman 
father-in-law to John Lilley orphant, William Barber father-in- 
law to the orphants of John Dennett viz 1 Thomas Dennett, .Mar- 

246 William and Mary Quarterly 

garett Dennett & Sarah Dennett, & David fToxe father-in-law 
to the orphants of Clark & Munday that the estates belonging 
to the s d sev r all orphants wch this day they have given an acco 1 
of to yis co rt shall henceforward with all the increase freely come 
& belong unto the s d orphants without any charges for the future 
subsistance or educacon of the s d orphants or for there care 
paines or charge in p r serving & looking to y e s d sev r all. Orphants 
estates soe long as they or any of them shall remaine under the 
tuition of y e above s d Edmund Chisman William Barber & David 
fToxe, The male catle only excepted wch belong to John Lilly & 
the orphants of John Dennett and the orphants of y e s d Clarke & 

"The estate of John Lilly are as followeth:" (in all 8 head of 
cattle) (Signed) Edmund Chisman. 

The estate of Thomas Dennett is one Cowe twooe Calves one 
yeareling Margarett Dennett's estate twooe Cowes one yeareling 
Sarah Dennett's estate three cowes on yeareling being all guilts 
by god- father. Wm Barber. 

An order that John Shelley's stock be kept by Henry Penntry 
with his consent without any charges for the same or for the 
mentanence & educacon of y e s d John Shelley soe long as y e s d 
Shelley shall remaine with y e s d Pantry, the male increase only 

The stocke of Cattle belonging to John Shelley is now sixe 
cowes & one yeareling heifer. Henry Pantry. 
Similar orders entered respecting the cattle of the orphans of 
Thomas Abbs, Robert Todd guardian; the orphans of Mary and 
Francis Allowell, Ann & William Wotten, Edward Grundy guar- 
dian ; Francis Stookes, Edward Mitchell guardian ; Argall Black- 
stone ("cattle given by his grand father") W m Hawkins guar- 
dian; the orphants of John Davis and Humphrey Waldren, Ash- 
well Batten guardian; Katherine Pead orphan, George fTorde 

Capt Christopher Calthropp, Richard Dudley, fTrancis Ceeley, 
Robert Lewis, Hugh Dowdy, James Harris, W m Sawyer, John 
Hartwell & Richard Wells fined 200 b of tob. each for not render- 
ing to the court their accounts as guardians. 

William and Mary Quarterly 247 

Whereas Edmund Smith has confessed that he has during Satur- 
dayes absented himself e from the servis of M r John Chew, being 
his covenant servant, it is yerefore ordered with the consent of 
y e s d Edmund that he shall serve the s d M r John Chew twenty 
(da)es longer then by covenant he is bound in consideration of 
his neglect afforsed. 

An Inventory of the estate of W m Stafford late deceased being 
at Cheeskiacke in the possession of John Cleverius cl. taken & 
appraysed by us whose names are subscribed this third day of 
March 1644 ' 

b. tob 
Im rls One negroe man called Anthonio at 2700 

One negroe woman called Mitchaell 2700 

One negroe woeman Conchanello 2500 

One negroe woeman Palassa 2500 

One negroe girle Mary 4 yeares old 0700 

One negroe called Elk: 3 yeares old 0400 

One negroe boy one yeare old 0400 

One negroe boy 2 weeks old 0200 

fower draught steeres 2000 

'One feather bed & furniture 0800 

fower smale flox beds and 3 ruggs 0500 

fower fixt guns 0600 

one great brasse Kettle 0120 

twoe Iron potts 0070 

one Iron Ketle • 0040 

one Iron skellett 0020 

twoe smale brasse skelletts 0060 

one brasse skellett 0016 

two brasse candlesticks being smale & old 0016 

one old pewter Candlesticke being broken 0004 

Eleven pewter dishes being old & broken 0250 

fower pewter porringers 0020 

fow r er pewter spoones 0006 

one pewter flagon 0030 

one quart pott one pint being old & unusefull 0006 

twoe Chamber potts 0012 

248 William and Mary Quarterly 

one Iron mortar & one brasse morter & pestle 0040 

one frying pann 0014 
' one Gridiron one spitt & twooe greate Iron pestles 0060 

one Steele Milne 0100 

one table & forme & one chaire 0160 

three Chests old 0180 

one pre of tables 0030 

fower old boxes 0030 

one crosse saw one tennent saw & one handsaw at 0150 

twoe Iron wedges • • 0006 

one smothing Iron 0006 

one Case of instruments 0020 

twoe bibles 0060 

three yokes, one Cart, two plow Chaines 0300 

fower pre of sheets 0400 

two table Cloathes 1 doz : Napkins 0200 

In the feild one mare and mare colt of 3 days old 2500 

Eleven Cowes at 500 b p. Cowe is 5500 

twoe heifers twooe yeare old at 400 %9 heifer is 1200 

one Bull 0450 

'three bull calves wch sucke is 0300 

sixe yeareling heifers at 250 <jji heifer is 1500 

Jurant 1 " coram ffr: Morgan 30681 (?) 

Hugh Gwin Row : Burnham 

{To Be Continued.) 


Lord Byron, the poet, was a relation apparently of Sir William 
Berkeley, Governor of Virginia. It Is stated in the Dictionary 
of National Biography [sub Byron, George Gordon] that the 
fourth Lord Byron was father (by his wife Frances, daughter 
of Lord Berkeley of Stratton), of William, fifth lord, John, after- 
wards Admiral Byron, &c. Admiral Byron (b. 1723) was the 
grandfather of Lord Byron, the poet. 

William and Mary Quarterly 249 

John Berkeley, first Baron Berkeley of Stratton, younger 
brother of Sir William Berkeley, died in 1678, not long after his 
brother William. The first Lord Berkeley of Stratton was suc- 
ceeded in the title by his three sons. Admiral Berkeley, the third 
lord, died in 1697. It is therefore likely that Admiral Byron 
was the grandson of the fourth Lord Berkeley of Stratton. 

Alfred J. Morrison. 

By Philip Alexander Bruce. 
I note Rev. Dr. Hord's reference on page 175 of the January 
Quarterly to the social status indicated by the word "Mister" 
when appearing in the records of the seventeenth century. I 
find it stated in A. M. Broadley's recently published "The Beau- 
tiful Lady Craven" (p. lxxiv.) that, in the eighteenth century, 
the affix of "Mister" to the name of a Harrow boy in the college 
lists always signified that the bearer was the son of a peer. This 
shows the dignity of this form of personal designation in the 
past of our English race. One remark further. The earliest use 
of the word "tote," so familiar to Virginians, that I have detected 
was in one of the documents sent to England by the Colonial 
Government about the time of the Plant-Cutters Rebellion in 
the seventeenth century. The origin of the word has been the 
subject of dispute. The assertion that it was brought from 
Africa by the first slaves would seem to be confirmed by Mrs. 
Mary Grant's recently issued book on the Guinea or Gold Coast 
of West Africa, from which most, if not all, of those slaves were 
imported, either directly or by way of the West Indies. In the 
authoress' conversations with the natives who could speak broken 
English, I find that she reports that they constantly employed 
the word "tote" exactly in our sense. Now I have never heard 
of that word being used anywhere except in the Southern States 
and West Africa. It certainly did not pass from our South 
to West Africa. The reference is justifiable, I think, that it 
passed from West Africa to our Southern States, primarily, of 
course, to Virginia. 

250 William and Mary Quarterly 


Below is given a letter of William Wirt to Judge St. George Tucker. 
of Williamsburg, in reference to the first hundred pages of his manuscript 
Life of Patrick Henry, which appears to have been prepared first in 
epistolary form. The original is possessed by Judge Tucker's great- 
grandson George P. Coleman, of Wlliiamsburg. Then follows Judge 
Tucker's criticism of this manuscript till lately in the possession of his 
grandson William Wirt, of Westmoreland County, Virginia, and now is 
in the possession of the Editor. The first two pages of the "Notes," 
however, are missing. As appears from both 'letter and manuscript Wirt 
was rather inclined to be spectacular than critical. 

William Wirt to Judge St. George Tucker. 

Richmond, August 16 th 1815 

Give me joy, give me joy! I am in my ninety-sixth page 
and shall finish my hundredth before I get my hero to the head 
of his regiment in y j6. Now the deuce is in it, if I can't spin 
fifty pages more out of the sequel of his life, and compound 150 
pages of appendix out of the Journals and old newspapers, and 
behold here will be the 300 compleat! 

O. Brains, Brains ! Help me out of this scrape, and if ever 
I tax you again with such another task, "Spit in my face, and 
call me horse !" But such a narrative you never saw ! Narra- 
tive ! — There is no story in it — It is all disquisition, rant and 
rhapsody — I wish my name had not been given to the public — 
O that I could have got the reward for the copyright, without 
being ever known in the affair. — I forsee that Patrick will be 
the ruin of my literary name. In trying to save him from the 
jaws of time, I shall lose myself to eternity. — I have been glanc- 
ing back over w T hat I have written, and if the public forgive 
it, much more if they applaud it, they ought to be fed with green 
gourds for the balance of their lives. What must be done in such 
a matter. You Cabell, and Monsieur must pass upon it for me 
before it goes out of my hands. There are some good things 
in it — perhaps some brilliant ones — Hurra, M r Modesty! — It 
was a part of my plan to append a sketch of the characters with 
whom M r Henry acted in '65 — I had seen none of them, except 

William and Mary Quarterly 251 

the wives of Pendleton and Wythe — Yet I drew the Speaker 
Robinson, Peyton Randolph, Richard Bland & Richard H. Lee. 
all in the dark — but as there was some danger that a few char- 
acters might be living, who would be able to catch me in a lie 
(a most inconvenient thing) I sent these characters to M r Jeffer- 
son to set me right if I was wrong. His words in reply are — 
''Yours characters are inimitably (mark that, Sir, inimitably, — I 
say inimitably) and justly drawn.'' I sent them to him indeed to 
see if they were justly drawn, but when I found they were 
inimitably drawn, I did not care so much about the justice. I 
can tell you I have made a free use of you in this work. — Don't 
be startled! — Why can't you have a little patience? — Why can't 
you quit this way you have of going off half cock'd? A man 
might almost as well strike fire over a barrel of powder as to 
touch a hair of your head. Now I see you are trembling with 
impatience from head to foot. "Dem you then, why don't you 
satisfy me !'' Because I wish to break you of this trick of pal- 
pitating impatience, because I wish you to see things in the calm 
light of mild philosophy, because there is so much more dignity, 
as well as ease, in composure, and in the faculty of allaying 
our too turbulent spirit at pleasure, and indeed for a thousand 
other reasons which are too tedious to mention. "Dem you, I'm 
glad of it, then don't mention them." Well I will not — this ought 
to satisfy you without further explanation, and supposing you 
to be satisfied I shall say no more on the subject but pass on to 
the acknowledgement of your very pleasing favour of the 7th 

instant, which I rec d yesterday But while we talk of 

petty difficulties, what think you of Buonaparte's? — of what a 
romance has he been the living and actual hero ? . . . . You 
will see by the papers of the day that he is unquestionably com- 
ing to the U. S. Ought we to give him up if he should be called 
for? If we should not, may not the combined powers take that 
occasion of extending the rights of legitimate kings to us? Will 
they dare to attempt it? If they do, what will be the issue? 

Now peace and health and festivity be with you all, we pray. 
Your sincerely & affectionate friend 

W m Wirt 

252 William and Mary Quarterly 

I relent from my mischievous purpose of closing this letter 
without telling you the free use I had made of you in my bio- 
graphy, i. I have drawn R. H. Lee in person and eloquence 
from you. 2. I have taken almost entirely, M r Henry's speech in 
the convention of '75 from you, as well your description of its 
effect on you verbatim. — 3 d,y — I mean to set you right as to a 
certain "diatribe'' in your Blackstone on the attainder of Phillips. 
I have the record of the Gen Court in that case. Philips was 
tried, condemned and executed for robbery, on a fair indictment 
and full trial. , 

God bless you 

W. W. 

Notes of Judge St. George Tucker. 

Letter — 1. Notes, continued. [3] 

pa: 3 — L: 3. — I think the picture both of Governors, & Coun- 
cillors' stile of living rather exaggerated, as it appear'd to me — 
Lofd Dunmore was Governor when I first arrived at Wmsburg. 
He was not a man of parade : his predeccessor I believe was. I 
was at many Gentlemen's houses — some of them Councillors. 
Their hospitality was without Bounds: but there was not much 
pomp; & less of it, by far, than may be seen in Richm d at this 
day, as far as I can remember, or judge. 

The picture of Society given on the same page, does not ap- 
pear to me to be just. The rich rode in Coaches, or Chariots, or 
on fine horses, but they never failed to pull off their hats to a 
poor man whom they met, & generally, appear'd to me to shake 
hands with every man in a Court-yard, or a Churchyard, and 
as far I could judge the planter who own'd half a dozen negroes, 
felt himself perfectly upon a level with his rich neighbor that 
own'd an hundred. — I have already said there was no such 
thing as Dependence, in the lower counties, except in the case 
of overseers, who were generally such as they are described in 
page 4 th — But these men were too mean to be made use of even 

William and Mary Quarterly 253 

as instruments of oppression, except over slaves. They were in 
all other respects outcasts of Society. 1 — My opinion of what is 
called the aristocracy of Virginia, at that period, is, that if ever 
their were a race of harmless aristocrats, they presented that pic- 
ture. They were not embodied; & very few possessd the Talent, 
if they had possessed the Inclination, to do any political Injury. 
The Council, at the time I arrived was composed of some very 
respectable characters: but there were nearly one third of them, 
that like Sir Francis Wronghead, might have said no, when 
they should have said aye. In the House of Burgesses I never 
witnessed any thing in debate that bore the appearance of party 
spirit. I thought the debates were conducted with the most Gen- 
tleman-like propriety, in every respect ; the differences of opinion 
seeming to be only such as different men, coming from different 
parts of our extensive Country might well be expected to enter- 
tain. — When I attended the County Courts some years after, & 
had and opportunity of seeing more of what is called the yeo- 
manry, on page 4 rh I found no expression of Jealousy towards 
the rich: I recollect no Complaints — nor any exultation at the 
change of our Constitution, arising from any personal changes 
of Conditions. I therefore think that this passage, and those 
I have noticed before, deserve to be reconsidered and retouch'd. 
I shall now say a few words on your Question, whether the 
plain narrative, or the epistolary stile be most eligible. I am in- 
clined to prefer the former. Where the writer has had an oppor- 
tunity of seeing, & hearing things himself, the latter is perhaps 
to be preferred, as the author here has an opportunity of inter- 
weaving h'is own remarks, & feelings, as well as those of others. 
But where he is obliged to confess himself a compiler from the 
information of others, I think the simple narrative is best. His 
reader is appris'd before hand, that he has laboured to obtain 
information, that his success has been only partial, and that the 
defects of the narrative are neither to be imputed to his want of 
diligence in collecting, or of talent, in presenting them to his 

x ls this criticism correct? Instances may be given of many very 
good people who were overseers. Sir William Skipwith was overseer at 
Brandon, on James River. 

254 William and Mary Quarterly 

view. The simplex munditus, in stile, as well as in dress, appears 
to me to be best suited to such an occasion. The originality of 
characters ; its primitive obscurity, its long continued night, its 
cloudy morn, its first gleams of sunshine; its successive brilliant 
flashes, amidst intermediate returns of its original gloom, and its 
final splendor, are all described in a very interesting manner in 
the first draught of the Sketches; and I must candidly confess 
I prefer it to the Letters. 

[4] Notes, on a second reading. 

pa: 1. . . . John Henry published' a Map of Virginia — but 
it was generally considered as an indifferent one, & inferior to 
M r Fry's. 

pa: 2 L. 6. "Has been so long distinguish' d." Qu: if the word 
"was," omitting "so/* be not better, as I never recollect to have 
heard the circumstance mentioned. 

p: 5. L. 8. Qu: the repetition of the words "Delineation of Char- 
acter," in this & the next line? 

p. 8 L. 1. *'a superficial knowledge of Latin — " I have heard it 
said (but know not how truly) that he was a good latin scholar. 
p. 6. L. 6 I must repeat my Quaere as to this comparison; and 
that which follows at the end of paragraph. — I doubt as to both. 
p. 15, L. 9. from bottom — see note on the first page. 
p. 18 L. 4. Qu. as to the proverb? — I should prefer the passage 
as it stood at first, perhaps the word gathering, as applied to 
a Storm, better then "brewing," perhaps "rising — " or, ''ready 
to burst on them." of which &c. 

p. 6. L.. 18. Qu. if his uncle Patrick were present would it not 
be better to name him? 

p: 19. L. 6. I do not think M r Henry's appearance could ever 
have been "clonmish." He was indeed awkward, until after 
speaking awhile. But I know no man who had less of the Clown 
in his manner, from the time I first saw, him on the floor of the 
H. of D. in 1772. 

p: 6. L 9. If the preceeding note have any weight the words — 
"in his uncouth -way," had better be omitted, or changed. 
p: 6. L. 15. Qu. as to this passage — "I suspect, from the accounts 
now given of it, as was ever witnessed in real life — " I think 

William and Mary Quarterly 255 

this line had better be omitted. The mind is too eager for the 
voice, to admit any interruption, even for a moment. 
p: 6. L 7. from bottom. — I must again remind you, that I never 
saw M r Henry look like a Clown. He was certainly in appear- 
ance awkward; but it was the awkwardness of a modest Gentle- 
man, not of a Clown. 

p: 6. L. the last — There seems some little chasm here between 
the first line of p: 20. or 21. as it is numbr'd. 
p: 20. L. 12. "and to this day the Country people." &c. recol- 
lect it is 52 years next December since this speech was made. — 
Qu: if the words "few surviving Country people/' 
p. 23. L. 3. I have with-held, hitherto, the expression of the great 
Interest this account of a suit, the particulars of which I never 
before heard, excited on reading it. It has afforded me infinite 
pleasure, & will no doubt have a similar effect on all who read 
it with attention. 

p: 6 L. 13 Qu: as to this passage — "nor any insuperable horror 
at the Idea of a separation." — This Idea does not appear to be at 
all connected with the issue of the suit: nor can it be supposed 
that the generality of the people, or perhaps any individual 
amorfg them, would have connected them. What follows in this 
page, may show that in the opinion of the Author, the Speaker 
himself had no such Idea in his mind. 

p: 24 L. 7. from the Bottom — 2nd of Sect : 1. Bravo ! Bravissismo ! 
p: 25. L. 14. See the remarks, in page 3 d on letter I st as to the 
State of Society in Virginia. 

p: 26. L„ 4. "He dressed more plainly than the plainest of them." 
I never, saw M r Henry till 1772. He was then dress'd like other 
Gentlemen, & I never saw him in any other dress, except at the 
Bar, where he wore his suit of Black, & his Tie-wig, as regularly 
as John Randolph, or Edm. Pendleton. He had certainly bid an 
eternal adieu, to the character of the Clown, in any respect, (if 
he ever possess'd it, which I very much doubt) before I saw 

p: 30. Of the picture here drawn scarce any vestige remained in 
Note A. p: 2. Peyton Randolph was, I apprehend, the most 

256 William and Mary Quarterly 

popular character in Virginia, from my arrival in 1772, 'till his 
death in 1775, or 1776. Richard Bland was not an Orator; but 
he was unquestionably more intimately acquainted with the his- 
tory of Virginia (& probably of America, generally, than any 
man in the Colony. His character as a man, and as a patriot, 
was perfectly unexceptionable — [5] Landon Carter never visited 
Williamsburg after my arrival. His influence appears to have 
been considerable at some former period ; but M r Charles Carter 
of Cleves, seems from the Journals of the period just alluded to, 
to have been at the head of almost every committee. I believe he 
was dead in 1772. 
Edmind Pendleton — to the Life. 
George Wythe — ad unguem 

R. H. Lee — I do not think, "the port & carriage of his head was 
(so strikingly) erect & lofty, as the picture represents him. The 
gracefulness of his attitude (generally ) leaning a little with his 
hat in his hand on the back of the front seat) was such, as to take 
off the impression of loftiness in his manner. I think the word 
too strong. — His hand was not bound up in a handkerchief ; it 
was covered with a black silk Bandage very neatly fitted to the 
palm of his hand, but leaving his thumb free. It was said of 
the late Lord Melcomb, the George Bubb Dodington of the 
english court in the last century, that he practised the graces be- 
fore a mirror, but I never head it of R. H. Lee. — I think his elo- 
quence approach'd more nearly to that of Cicero, (except in the 
oration beginning "Quousque tandem Catalina," &c. in which 
Cicero appears to have even rivall'd Demosthenes) than any other 
I ever heard. I doubt whether Quintillaan would not have ap- 
provd of it entirely. 

p: 38. You might have added George Mason — of whom I have 
heard M r Madison (the pres 1 ) say, that he was the soundest & 
clearest reasoner that he ever listened to — but as you have not 
mentioned M r Jefferson nor Rob: C. Nicholas it might be well 
to pass him over. Those you have drawn are highly finished. 
p: 39. L. 19. Qu: the word " Replacement'." The Incident here 
related is truly interesting. 
p: 49. L. 10. The Gen: Assembly like the parliam 1 was chosen 

William and Mary Quarterly 257 

for seven years only, consequently the Speaker could not be in 
office for life, when once approv'd. — 

pi 59. L. 12. Not only to "tax the Colonies" — but to "bind them 
in all cases whatsoever," is I think the language of the act of 
par u . 

p 75. L. 7. from the Bottom. — Qu : if the words of the Resolu- 
tion be not mistaken in this line — "Some of which are already 
expired, and others will shortly do so/' I suspect "have ex- 
pired" is the true reading. 

p.- 95. L. 2. from the Bottom. "The 1 palace was therefore 
filled with arms &c." A considerable number of muskets &c. 
was always to be seen in the Entrance of the palace, where they 
were arranged upon the walls in an ornamental Manner, as in 
the Tower of London. It was these Arms I suspect, that Lord 
Dunmore put into the hands of the Marines. He could not have 
brought them from the Magazine (after the Removal of the 
powder) without discovery, or without opposition. 

I have now finished my second reading — the notes I have 
made are probably not important, but I resolved to with-hold 
nothing that occurred to me, that might seem to require Atten- 
tion on your part. I have read the first Century with great In- 
terest and Pleasure. Go on & prosper ! ! 

Yours most truly 
Sept: 25 th 181 5. S' G. 

Endorsed William Wirt esquire, 


258 William and Mary Quarterly 



Extracts from the Diary of Edmund Ruffin. 

Oct. 30, 1864. 

Mr. Ruffin gives more space to this subject than I can spare in 
this Magazine, and hence an abstract becomes necessary. He 
declares "that this war had served to develop some features 
which had not been supposed or suspected to exist before, or 
to such extent as has recently been shown." He had before 
believed in the "general prevalence of much attachment & 
affection of negro slaves for the families of their masters 
and especially in the more usual circumstances of careful & 
kind treatment of slaves." But though some few cases of 
great attachment & fidelity were exhibited, "there were many 
more instances of signal ingratitude and treachery of slaves to 
the most considerate and kindest of masters." Whenever they 
could without much danger to themselves, get away, they did 
so apparently uninfluenced by any former experience in slavery 
of good or evil. 

Though Mr. Ruffin does not deny that the negro had a natural 
inclination for freedom, he claims the existence of ethnological 
differences from the white man, which made the negro regard 
his safety and comfort superior even to his liberty. He recalls 
the fact that during the American Revolution those negroes who 
trusted themselves to the mercies of Lord Dunmore on his 
promise of freedom suffered such horrible experiences that no 
hopes of liberty could induce the negroes to trust themselves 
again to the power of the British when they reappeared in the 
waters of Virginia during the war of 1812. Some were carried 
off by force, but none went voluntarily. Memories of the Revolu- 
tion had vanished by 1861, and the secret teachings of "the ten 
thousands of northern agents who in one character or another 
had traversed the South" during 30 years previous to 1861, had 
revived their undeveloped instincts for liberty. And yet when 
the war actually occurred, the negroes never absconded from 

William and Mary Quarterly 259 

the plantations, except when they had the belief that they were 
certain of protection and comfort. The Northern soldiers learned 
to know their character, and in order to persuade them to flee, be- 
sides assuring their safety, were extravagant in their promises 
of ease and comfort. "The negro going to Yankee protection 
was to be free from all work, unless at his or her own free 
choice — to be well fed if in idleness, to have very high wages — 
and plenty of employment if desiring to be employed." In most 
cases, of course, these assurances were wholly falsified and the 
poor negroes suffered hardship under the new control not unlike 
the miseries which had been attendant upon the tender sym- 
pathies of the British. 

"The able men were put to work as laborers on the fortifica- 
tions, and enrolled as soldiers in the army. Their wives & grown 
daughters, & all other women (not needed & a nuisance in forti- 
fications & armies,) were sent to "freedmen's receptacles, in 
& near Washington & elsewhere, to live in destitution & misery, 
& to earn as they could, bread for themselves & their children, 
or to starve. The sick, the aged, the helpless, if not already 
dead, would soon perish by want. They young boys had yet 
another destination, & what it was, I have not been able to 

In another respect Mr. Ruffin confessed himself disappointed 
in the negro's character. He had given him credit for "feelings 
of affection for members of his own family very far exceeding 
what late occurrences have proved." During the course of the 
war the -voluntary desertions of friends and relatives were great. 
Son deserted father, daughter deserted mother, and mother and 
father deserted young children. "There were," he says, "largely 
more than one hundred of absconding and escaped slaves from 
Beechwood, Evelington, Marlburn & Ruthven, the properties of 
my children. They went off in successive parties, through the 
course of three years & as supposed in nearly all the cases vol- 
untarily, except as to children too young to exert a choice; of 
those who were left, every one was the near relative of some 
who escaped. I conversed with some of them immediately after 
the occurrences & heard of hundreds of other like cases. . And 

260 William and Mary Quarterly 

I did not witness in any case & did not hear of but two other 
cases of the slightest expression or apparent signs of grief or 
regret for the recent removal & final separation from a husband, 
a father, a parent, or a child." 

"Yet, notwithstanding my former opinion, extending though 
but partially to this limit of obtuseness of affection of negroes for 
their families, I, in common with most slave-holders, have been 
tenderly careful to avoid the disruption of family ties by the 
separation of members as much as could be. And when the 
vicious conduct of some slave finally compelled his being sold, 
or when other circumstances have compelled me to cause partial 
or final separations of near members of the same family, I be- 
lieve that the circumstances has produced to me (I say the same 
of all other masters of kind feelings, in like cases,) as much 
regret as to the nearest relatives so separated, but whether such 
case was called for, or not, I can safely affirm that most slave- 
holdeholders have sought to avoid the separation of negro fami- 
lies, & in numerous cases, much to the detriment of their own 
pecuniary interest. Yet they have been continually reproached by 
Yankees as being entirely careless in this respect, & that the forced 
separation of husbands & wives, (which is truly of rare occur- 
rence,) is the general & ordinary end of the marriages of slaves. 
And it is to this alleged crime, of heartlessly separating families, 
for which Yankees are accustomed to heap their heaviest denuncia- 
tions on Southern slaveholders. Yet, in such charges & denuncia- 
tions, they exhibit most vividly their ignorance & their hypocricy. 
In the 'first place the allegation of the fact of the separations of 
families being so general, is entirely false. * * * Intelligent 
Northerners who have observed the working of slavery in the 
south, have readily admitted that there are fewer forced separa- 
tions of negro families than of the families of New Englanders, 
taken through all classes, & by voluntary action impelled by self- 
interest only — So much for their ignorance. Their immeasurable 
& yet unblushing hypocricy is manifest in the general policy 
pursued by the Yankee authorities, (& condemnd by no Yankee 
voice), towards the slaves whom they induced to abscond, or 
whom they have forcibly kidnapped, by which more separations 

William and Mary Quarterly 261 

of families are caused in a year than would have done by all the 
sales & other transactions of the masters of these emancipated 
slaves in a century — or more by Yankees in the persons of one 
thousand slaves, than by the masters of a million. And this 
charge of hypocricy, & cruelty under the pretence & name of 
humanity, is here limited to the least & lightest cause of suf- 
fering inflicted — the separation of families. The far heavier in- 
flictions by Yankee philanthropy of hunger & cold, destitution, 
disease, & death so produced not belonging to the subject, one 
passes over." ' 

"There is still another result of this, war, that has surprised 
many even of southern men, & is a subject of astonishment to all 
Yankee abolitionists. And this is, that, with all the invitations 
held out, & inducements offered, & these in the solemn proclama- 
tion of general emancipation by President Lincoln, no negro 
slaves have been persuaded to attempt bloody or violent insur- 
rection against the power & mastership of the white race. Not 
only has there been no such attempt in any of the broad spaces 
of slave-holding country which have not been yet visited by 
Yankee troops — but even where these troops have occupied & op- 
pressed large regions of country for years, & have emancipated 
the slaves, & forced the masters to flee for their lives into distant 
exile, the negroes, free from all control, have not become military 
insurgents, or assumed arms & military organization to operate 
in other places. The most that they have done in such cases 
has been to resort to theft & plunder, & to carry on their depreda- 
tions by aid of arms. As to the wide-spread general insurrection 
that the Yankees & their President hoped to execute, & were 
sure of producing, there has not been the slightest indication. 
Yet nearly the whole territory of the slave-holding states had its 
men of military age in distant armies — & the remaining white 
population consisted almost entirely of feeble old men, young 
boys & women & children — & the slave population having its full 
proportion & large numbers of able men. And this class every- 
where, was fully apprised of the offer to it of freedom, as the 
reward of successful insurrection — & indirectly, of not only their 
own liberty, but the lands & other property of the expelled or 

262 William and Mary Quarterly 

murdered families of their masters ! All that the negroes have 
done has been to accept the freedom offered to them by Yankee 
forces in complete occupancy of the country, (or so appearing to 
them,) as to abscond & escape to Yankee forces who had reached 
their homes, & so rendered their flight safe. I had not doubted 
that the slaves would accept release from the rule of their 
masters, if offered to them by any hostile & dominating power — 
(and such grounds I assumed & argued upon in i860 in "Antici- 
pations of the Future," pp. 236, 8. 9 — ). But I thought then, 
as been proved by later events, that the natural timidity of the 
negro race, & to that superadded the long subserviency of slaves 
to their masters, left little ground to fear any violent insurrection, 
which was not entirely free from all danger to the insurgents. 
John Brown & his co-operators had long and diligently labored 
to incite the negroes to insurrection. And no doubt, judging from 
their general readiness to receive freedom, & to assent to all his 
teachings, Brown erroneously inferred that negroes, like white 
men in their places, would be ready to strike the blow necessary 
for their freedom. Brown inferred that the 2000 pikes which 
he had sent from New England to Harper's Ferry for this pur- 
pose, would be seized as soon as offered & wielded by as many 
stalwart negroes, ready & eager to imbue them in the blood of 
their masters. But Brown made the general mistake of aboli- 
tionists & Yankees in ascribing the same feelings & impulses to 
negroes as if they were white men. If Brown had invaded the 
country as leader of a conquering army, he might have found 
nearly every negro ready to join his triumphant force, & to 
share in' the fruits of his victory. But as his invasion was made 
by only two dozen Yankees, not a single negro, either by per- 
mission or force, could be induced to join in the attempt, in any 
manner to implicate himself in a dangerous movement." 

William and Mary Quarterly 263 


At a meeting of the Board of Trustees for the Transylvania 
Seminary the 13 day of July 1787. 

The Committe formerly appointed to draw up a petition to 
the Virginia assembly, that the one sixth part of the surveyors 
fees arising within their district, hitherto applied and appro- 
priated to the use of the College of William and Mary, for the 
future be paid to the Trustees of the Transylvania Seminary, and 
by them applied to the use of the said Seminary, having failed so 
to do; it is therefore resolved that a Committee be now appointed 
for the purpose of drawing up a petition to the above purport, 
and that they report the same to this Board at two o'clock to- 

Resolved that Mr. Marshall, Mr. Todd, Mr. Wallace, Mr. 
Garrard and Mr. Logan be a committee for the above purpose. 

It being suggested to the Board that there may be entries and 
surveys of land within this district which are escheatable 12000 
acres of which are appropriated to this seminary ; but as it is sup- 
posed such lands cannot be regularly escheated, until grants are 
regularly issued therefor, which will probably never be applied 
for ; they will lapse or be forfeited in such a manner as that private 
adventurers may re-enter and obtain the same, to the great injury 
of the Seminary and the District in general. 

Resolved therefore that a Committee be appointed to prepare a 
petition to the Assembly, praying that an act may pass declaring 
that entries and surveys of land may be escheated in the same 
manner and for the same reasons as prescribed by law in case of 
Patented lands. Ordered that the Committee last appointed be 
a Committee for this purpose also — and ingraft it into the peti- 
tion which they are directed to prepare. 

The Board then adjourned till 10 o'clock tomorrow. 
July 19, 1787 

The Board met according to adjournment 

♦From the original copy transmitted by Rev. Joseph Brown Turner, 
General Secretary Presbyterian Historical Society, Philadelphia. . 

264 William and Mary Quarterly 

The Committ: appointed to draw up a petition to the Assem- 
bly of Virginia for the purpose before mentioned — reported 
that they had prepared the same, and being twice read it was 
agreed to, and is as follows : 

To the honorable the General Assembly of Virginia the peti- 
tion of the Trustees of the Transylvania Seminary, humbly 
sheweth : 

That the one sixth part of all legal fees received by surveyors 
are by law appointed to the University of William and Mary, 
a Seminary which we greatly respect, but from which the In- 
habitants of Kentucky are too remote to derive any immediate 
advantage, and as the Legislature have repeatedly manifested 
the benevolent disposition of providing the means of education 
within the district, we are induced to pray that you would be 
pleased to direct that the one Sixth part of the said fees here- 
after arising within the said district may be paid by the Sur- 
vivors of the Several Counties therein to the Trustees of the 
Transylvania Seminary, for the use and support thereof. 

We also beg leave to represent that many entries and sur- 
veys of land have been made in the District which may become 
justly liable to be escheated, through the default of heirs or 
otherwise. But as it is supposed that such lands cannot be 
regularly escheated, before grants have been obtained, for 
which no person is authorized to apply — such lands will lapse 
or become forfeited in such a way as that other private adven- 
turers may reenter and obtain grants for the same to the great 
injury of the Transylvania Seminary, the Trustees of which are 
empowered to appropriate to its use Twelve thousand acres of 
escheatable lands ; we therefore pray that an act may pass de- 
claring that claims to unpatented lands may be escheated in the 
same manner and for the same reasons as are prescribed by 
law, in the case of lands for which the titles have been com- 
pleated, and that it may be particularly directed how and by 
whom such escheatable lands may be surveyed or the Surveys 
returned to the Registers Office, so that a proper grant may 
issue and your petitioners shall ever pray. 

Signed by order and in presence of the Board. 
Test. Ebn r Brook elk: 

William and Mary Quarterly 265 

Ordered that the chairman be directed to publish in the Vir- 
ginia Gazette three weeks previous to the meeting of the Assem- 
bly that application will be made by this Board at the next Ses- 
sion to appropriate one sixth of the Surveyors fees arising within 
this District to the use of the Transylvania Seminary. 
A Copy teste William Todd elk 

Resolution & Petition 
of the Trustees of the 
Transylvania Seminary ■ 

(A Copy) 
For M r Dan 1 Bryan. 


Communicated by Dr. J. Hall Pleasants, Baltimore, Md. 

Elihu Hall 4 (Jacob, 1 Joseph, 2 Ruth 3 ) see page 135. 

El'ihu Hall 4 (Jacob, 1 Joseph, 2 Ruth 3 ) is referred to in his 
father's will as the eldest son, and under the terms of this will 
received one half of his father's real estate in Cecil County. He 
appears to have lived in Cecil County as late as 1790 for the first 
census taken in that year gives the names of three individuals of 
this name one of whom by exclusion almost certainly is this man. 
It is known that he was living in Cecil County in 1787, for on 
October' 30th of that year his brother Joseph Hall, of Mont- 
gomery County, gave a bill of sale to James Hunt, of Mont- 
gomery County, and Elihu Hall, son of Elisha, of Cecil County. 
This James Hunt was the step-father of Elihu and Joseph Hall. 
About this same time Elihu Hall got into financial difficulties 
possibly through gone security for his brother on several bonds. 
In 1788 Joseph Hall made a deed of trust for the benefit of his 
creditors (Montgomery County Land Records C, fol. 694 and 
D fol. 57). This failure may have embarrassed Elihu Hall for 
in a letter from his father-in-law, James Hunt to Dr. Benjamin 

266 William and Mary Quarterly 

Rush, dated Tusculum, Montgomery County, Maryland, March 
24, 1788 (Rush MSS.), Hunt acknowledges Rush's ''friendly 
condolence on the misfortune of her (?. e., his wife, Mrs. Ruth 

Hall Hunt's) first born son . His present situation is 

truly distressing and pitiable, a wife & 6 helpless children to sup- 
port in these dreggs of time, God only knows how he is to ac- 
complish it. I judge that after making the most of his property, 
the creditors will be reduced to a dividend — there will be no 
remainder for his family & none of his near friends have it in 
their power to afford him much assistance : What they could, 
with other friendly strangers they have done. His behaviour on 
this occasion has added much to his reputation.'*' Then follows 
a copy of a very pathetic address to his numerous creditors in 
which he announces his intention to relinquish all of his property 
for the benefit of his creditors. How much longer he remained 
in Cecil County is not known. 

Family tradition states that he married Mildred Ball, of 
Virginia. This tradition has found support in the recent dis- 
covery of two letters from Elihu Hall to Dr. Benjamin Rush 
(Rush MSS.). In a letter to Rush dated Carterville, September 
2, 1797, and mailed at "Richm d Ohouse," he refers to his wife as 
Mille. Just who this Mildred Ball was has not yet been cer- 
tainly determined. A Col. James Ball, of Bewley, Lancaster 
County, Virginia, a member of the distinguished Bali family of 
Virginia, born 171S, died 1789, married as his second wife Mil- 
dred She died December 1, 1751, in her 26th year, 

leaving one son and three daughters. One of these daughters 
was Mildred Ball, who signed a legal document in 1765. It is 
believed that she may have become the wife of Elihu Hall. Some, 
support is given to this theory by the fact that her brother Jesse 
Ball married in 1765 Agatha Conway, daughter of Major Peter 
Conway (Hayden's Virginia Genealogies, page 95 et seq and 
page 246). A Peter Conway was an executor in 1801 of the will 
of John Hall, brother of Elihu Hall and appears from other 
letters to have been a warm friend of the family and familiar 
with their business affairs. 

William and Mary Quarterly 267 

In 1788 Elihu is known to have had six children then living. 
In the letter to Rush, dated September 2, 1797, he refers to the 
recent death of his son, Elisha, in regard to whom he writes, 
"Two years has elapsed since our dear Elisha made himself a 
slave to nothing but his duty." Possibly this was the Elisha 
T. Hall, whose estate was administered on in Philadelphia 1797 
by John Hall (perhaps his uncle Dr. John Hall, who was much 
in Philadelphia about this time). Nothing further has been 
learned as to whether there were other sons of Elihu Hall. Among 
the Rush MSS. there are three letters ' from Maria T. Hall 
dated 181 1 and 1812 to Dr. Rush. In one dated September 8, 
181 1, she refers to herself as the youngest daughter of Elihu 
Hall and states that she had two older married sisters then liv- 
ing, one of whom was a Mrs. Jordan. The name of the other 
sister she does not mention. She was then living with her 
mother at the home of one of these sisters and gives her address 
as Winchester, Virginia, apparently the home of the Jordans. 
November 1, 18 12, she writes to Dr. Rush of the death in 
March, 18 12, of one of her married sisters, who died at the time 
of the birth of her first child. She writes, 'T spent the greater 
part of my time with her. She died very happy in the Lord — 
since her death I have returned to live with my brother-in-law, 
Mr. Jordan, who has a very large and expensive family." She 
adds that her mother also lives with him and refers to her uncle 
Dr. E. Hall, of Fredericksburg. This was of course Dr. Elisha 
Hall, of Fredericksburg, Virginia. We are left in the dark 
from the wording of the letter as to whether it was Mrs. Jordan 
or her other unnamed sister who had recently died, although 
if the former, Mrs. Jordan must have been a second wife. These 
letters to Dr. Rush were requests for help and show that Maria 
Hall and her mother were then very poor. They were appar- 
ently recent converts to Methodism. 

It would seem from the correspondence above referred to 
that Elihu Hall, some time following his business failure in 1788, 
went to Virginia to live. He was evidently living in Richmond 
County, Virginia in 1797, although the exact location of "Carter- 
ville" has not yet been determined. The Ball family had many 

268 William and Mary Quarterly 

representatives in Richmond and Lancaster County on the Rappa- 
hannock. The family of Col. James Ball lived in Lancaster. 
It seems very probable that Elihu Hall went to live among his 
wife's family or possibly on land owned by her in Virginia. 
There is another letter from him dated September 15, 1806 
(Rush MSS.), which refers to the conversion of his little family 
to different religious sects. In this letter he states that he is 
again in financial difficulties, and his desire that some of his 
friends redeem a few of his things. One of the letters of his 
daughter, Maria T. Hall, states that her father died about 1808. 




The first ancestor of the only Stanard family in Virginia, 
was Beverley Stanard, of Middlesex, Va., who emigrated from 
England and settled in the County, until his removal to Spottsyl- 
vania, Va., where his children settled. Beverley Stanard, the an- 
cestor, died at the early age of forty-five, by the engraving 
on his tomb-stone in the cemetery of the family at Roxbury, 
Spottsylvania County. This ancient home is more endeared to 
me than all earth, besides consecrated, as it is by the tenderest 
affectionate embrace that on the hallowed banks of the beautiful 
river of the Potomac, is the Italian Marble's emblem of be- 
reaved affection as constant as its tranquil flow. 

Beverley Stanard left three sons and one daughter, William, 
Larkin and Beverley. William and Larkin had large families, 
but Beverley never married. William, the eldest son, inherited 
Roxbury, the homestead and rival farm of Spottsylvania, where 
he raised a large family, having twenty-three children, seventeen 
of whom were christened, but only fourteen were raised to mature 

J From the Blue Ridge Republican, published at Culpeper Court 
House, Virginia. 

William and Mary Quarterly 269 

life; being one more than my maternal grandfather, Carter of 
Blenheim, raised to mature life. Their names were Sally, 
Champe, Lacey, Beverley, William, Hill, Edward, Carter, Mary, 
Virginia, Ann, Jane, Whitaker, Charles, Champe, Eaton, Eliza- 
beth, Flemming, Columbia and Franklin. Only three of them 
survive (this 17th of October, 1858), thus presenting a sad 
mortality unexampled. Eaton Stanard, the fifth son of William, 
and author of this narrative, is the eldest living son of the 
Stanard family of Virginia. William §tanard, of Roxbury, 
married the daughter of Edward Carter, of Blenheim (son of 
Robert Carter, of Shirley, Charles City County, who was the 
former Colonial Governor, Treasurer, Secretary and Councillor, 
successively of Virginia). Edward Carter lived in Albemarle, 
which he once represented and was noted for his large landed 
possessions and unbounded hospitality. His son, John, signalized 
in the revolution, received a painful wound for life at Eutaw, 
S. C. He raised to legal age eight sons, John, (Capt. of U. S. 
Artillery), Charles, Edward, Robert, Hill, Champe, George and 
Whitaker, and five daughters, Elizabeth, Francis, Jane, Mrs. 
Judge Brooke, Mrs. Governor Troupe, of Georgia (see Bishop 
Meade's History of the Carter family). 

In the War of 1812 Adjutant Beverley, Col. John and Dr. 
Hugh, sons of Larkin, and Lieutenant Eaton Stanard (son of 
William) were in the service of their country. Larkin Stanard 
inherited Stanfield, Spottsylvania, Va., and had five sons, among 
whom was Judge Stanard, of the Court of Appeals, a member 
of the State Convention, and a representative of the City of 
Richmond. The Judge's father was the colleague on the Legis- 
lature of the venerable patriot, Monroe and his constant friend. 

In the two branches of the Stanard family, there have been 
connected four Judges, Fleming, Brooke, Stanard and Simp- 
son ; three Governors and four Presidents of the Union. Though 
great their number and clothed with elevated honor, none now 
survive the tomb! About fifty grandchildren are yet living in 
the State. 

270 William and Mary Quarterly 

This narrative extended, would make a volume and become 
a worthy relic to a magnanimous posterity. 

Accept the best hopes of your relative, friend and servant. 

Eaton Stanard, 
of Virginia. 

Oct. 1858. 

[The Stanard family in Virginia begins two generations 
back of Beverley Standard mentioned by Eaton Stanard as 
the beginner. William Stanard, of Middlesex Co., Va., married 
Eltonhead, daughter of Edwin Conway and Martha Eltonhead, 
his wife, and widow of Henry Thacker. They had a son Wil- 
liam Stanard (born Feb. 15, 1682 and died Dec. 3, 1732), who 
was clerk of Middlesex Co. (1704-1732). He married Eliza- 
beth Beverley, daughter of Harry Beverley, son of Major Robert 
Beverley, and had issue: (1) Beverley Stanard, of Roxbury, 
Spotsylvania County. (2) Elizabeth M. 1741, Bartholomew 
Yates. (3) Sarah. By William Stanard's first marriage with 
Anne Hazlewood he had Ann, born June 26, 1711, married (I) 
April 10, 1739, Robert Beverley, of "Newlands," Spotsylvania 
Co., and (II.) Col. William Waller, of Spotsylvania. See Va. 
Magazine of Hist, and Biograpliy, III. 269, 270.] 

William and Mary Quarterly 271 

Communicated by Christopher Johnston, Baltimore, Md. 

1. Jacob Coutanceau, 1 of Chickacone, Northumberland 
County, was doubtless a Frenchman, as his name would indicate, 
and he is said to have had letters of denization from King James 
(Quarterly, XXJ., 100). He gave some cattle to his sons, 
Jacob and William, 20 January, 1658, and he conveyed to his son 
John, 20 June, 1662, 400 acres part of a tract of 600 acres 
patented to him 25 Nov., 1654 (Northumberland Co.. Records). 

His will, dated , 1662, and proved 20 October, 1664, names 

his sons, 2. Joseph Coutanceau, 3. Jacob Coutanceau, brings suit 
as heir at law of his brother William, against his brother John 
in 1682. 4. John Coutanceau. 5. William Coutanceau, dead in 
1682 when his brother Jacob was his heir. 

4. John Coutanceau 2 (Jacob 1 ), with his wife Katherine, 
executed a deed, 9 Feb'y, 1662, to Henry Moseley, 10 Dec, 1663, 
he demands 200 acres for transporting four persons, viz. : David 
Davis, John Bowles, Thomas Briars, and Hester Hayley. In 
October, 1669, William Presley makes oath that about four or 
five years since John Coutanceau desired him to move the Assem- 
bly for a confirmation of a paper granting denization to his father 
Jacob Coutanceau by King James. But it was the opinion of 
the Assembly that it was better than anything they could give 
(Quarterly, XXL, 100). John Coutanceau and Katherine, his 
wife, had issue, with perhaps others : 6. Peter Coutanceau, and 
7. Katherine Coutanceau. 

6. I^eter Coutanceau 3 (John, 2 Jacob 1 ), of Northumberland 
County, died in 1709, and his will was proved 20 April of that 
year. He married Mary, daughter of William Young, of South 
Farnham Parish, Essex County, whose will, dated 30 Nov., 1697, 
and proved 10 January, 1697-8. (Book 9, p. 139) names as 
legatees his daughters, Catherine Young, Elizabeth Young, Ann 
Covington, Sarah Mottrom, and Mary Coutanceau, and his son 
William Young, who, together with Richard Covington, Spencer 
Mottrom, and Peter Coutanceau, is appointed executor. Peter 
Coutanceau was one of the executors of Capt. Spencer Mottrom 

2J2 William and Mary Quarterly 

in 1700, and a Justice of Northumberland County in 1705 
(Quarterly, XXL, 102). By his wife, Mary Young, he had 
issue: 8. John Coutanceau, whose will, dated 17 Dec., 1718, and 
proved 21 January, 1 718- 19, names his uncle William Young, 
his aunt Sarah Ball, his cousin Dorcas Walter, his cousin John 
Young, his cousin Joseph Ball, Jr., his uncle Richard Ball, his 
cousin Elizabeth Hack, his cousin Sarah Ball, Jr., daughter of 
Richard Ball ; his cousins Catherine and Elizabeth Walters, and 
his cousin Margaret Ball. His cousin Joseph Ball is constituted 
executor. The will is recorded both in Virginia and in Maryland. 
9. Peter Coutanceau living in 1722, when he is mentioned in the 
will of his aunt, Mrs. Katherine Palmer. 

7. Katherine Coutanceau 3 (John, 2 Jacob 1 ) married 1st 
Capt. Thomas Waughop, of St. Mary's County, Md., 2d. Thomas 
Palmer, who d. s. p. in 1709. Her first husband was the son 
of John Waughop, of Piney Point, St. Mary's County, b. 1631, 
d. February, 1677-8. His wife's name was Ann, and, besides 
Capt. Thomas he had Elizabeth W T aughop, mar. Thomas Hatton 
(son of Secretary Thomas Hatton), Rebecca Waughop, the 
wife, in 1694, of James Jones, of Northumberland County, Va., 
Margaret Waughop, and Frances Waughop, who married Henry 
Hyde (d. Oct., 1675), of St. Mary's Co., Md. Captain Thomas 
Waughop was Burgess for St. Mary's City in 1694- 1700, and 
died in 1701. His wife, Katherine (Coutanceau), survived both 
husbands, and died in 1726, leaving a will proved 1 Nov., 1726. 
By her first husand she had issue: 10. John Waughop. 11. 
James Waughop, Justice for St. Mary's County 1736-49, and 
Burgess 1736-44; had a son Thomas Palmer Waughop. 12. 
Thomas Waughop. 13. Katherine Waughop mar. William 
Kennedy. 14. Ann Waughop. 

12. Thomas Waughop 4 (Katherine, 3 John, 2 Jacob 1 ) was 
Burgess for St. Mary's County 1716-27, and died in April, 1735* 
leaving issue, by Katherine, his wife: 15. Thomas Waughop, 
died before 1734, leaving by Elizabeth, his wife (who mar. 
secondly Thos. Wherrett), a son, John Waughop. 16. Mary 

Waughop mar. Gwyther. 17. Johanna Anne Waughop. 

18. Katherine Waughop. 19. Elizabeth W'aughop. 

William and Mary Quarterly 273 


Quarterly, XXL, 181-193, 269-278, Id., XXIL, 44-51, 131-133. 

By Armistead C. Gordon. 

After the manuscript of the first part of the present writer's 
contribution to the "History of the Stith Family" (Quarterly, 
XXII, 44-51) was in the hands of the printer, it was his good 
fortune to have the opportunity of a personal talk about the 
Stith Genealogy with Colonel Wilson Miles Cary, of Baltimore, 
Md.j whose knowledge of Virginia families gives him eminent 
rank as a Virginia genealogist. Colonel Cary in a correspon- 
dence that followed this interview, has thrown very valuable 
light upon the earlier Stith history, and added many facts of 
material interest to those already collated by Dr. Johnston and 
by the present writer. Primarily, Colonel Cary has no doubt 
that "Lt. Colonel John Stith 3 of Charles City County 1700 ( ?) 
liv. 1740 — dead 1759, who married (1728?) Elizabeth Anderson 
(i700?-i7 — ), dau. of Rev. Charles Anderson, for 26 years 
rector of Westover Parish, Charles City Co. b, 1670-— d. 1718," 
was the son of Captain John Stith 2 of Charles City County, and 
his wife, Mary Randolph, daughter of Col. William Randolph 
of Turkey Island. Col. Cary says of Capt. John Stith 2 that in 
"1692 he owned 470 A. in Charles City County and 595 acres 
on the south side of the Chickahominy River in James City 
County. In 1695 he is styled Captain John Stith, Jr., in his 
patent of 'Swinyards,' Charles City Co. Died probably soon 
after 1723. His wife was the eldest child of Col. William Ran- 
dolph (1650- 1 711) by Mary Isham (1 659-1 735) who were 
married in 1677." 

The issue of Captain John Stith, 2 and his wife, Mary Ran- 
dolph, are given by Col. Cary as follows : 
"1. Lt. Col. John Stith* m. Elizabeth Anderson. 
"2. Rev. William Stith, 3 1707- 175 5, matric. 1724. Q. Coll. 
Ox. son of John, aet. 17. A. M. 1730. Rector of Henrico 
Psh., Pres. Wm. & Mary Coll. 1752-1755, Author of His- 

274 William and Mary Quarterly 

tory of Virginia, rnd. 1738 Judith Randolph, 1718-17 — , 
2nd dau. of Col. Thomas Randolph of Tuckahoe, and 
Judith Fleming, who were md. Oct. 6, 1712. They had 

issue 3 daughters. 

"3. Mary Stithy md. 1730 (?) Rev. Wm. Dawson (1705-1752) 
of Queen's Coll. Ox. D. D. President Wm. & Mary Coll. 
Commissary of Va. mem. council, m (2) 1751 to Eliza- 
beth Churchill, widow of Col. Wm. Bassett. (1709-44.)" 
According to Colonel Cary, the children of Lt. Col. John 

Stith 3 of Charles City County and his wife Elizabeth Anderson, 


"1. Major John Stith, 4 1723 (?) Query: of Charles City County 
1782, and there taxed for 2 tracts, 1200 and 200 A., 47 
negroes, 17 horses, 10 cattle, 4 wheels. Taxed 1787 only 
200 A., and thereafter name disappears from Charles 
City lists. Query: Did he move to Brunswick? A. 'Col. 
John S.' is taxed there for 700 A. 1787, this last named 
'Col. John Stith/ is, however, possibly identical with the 
Col. John Stith (1755-1808) of Brunswick Co., who was 
the eldest son of Capt. Buckner Stith (1722 (?)-i79i) 
of Rockspring, Brunswick Co. 

"2. Col. William Stith, 4 (1738) (?) Query: At College 1754. 
Liv. Brunswick Co. 1782, and taxed for 2 tracts 1140 and 
582 A. 

"3. Anderson Stith, 4 1730 (?)-i768. A practicing lawyer 1755 
in Charles City. md. (1758) (?) Ioanna Bassett (1738) 
(?) d. ante 1817. In 1768 she advertises her late hus- 
band's dwelling and plantation on Pamunkey in King 
William. She was living in 1774. 

"4. Judith Stith, 4 17 — , 17 — . md. 1735 John Haynard of Hali- 
fax Co., N. C." 
The foregoing data relate to that branch of the Stith family 

with which this writer has especially undertaken to deal, viz., the 

descendants of Capt. John Stith, 2 of Charles City County, who 

married Mary Randolph, eldest daughter of Colonel William 

Randolph of Turkey Island. 

Colonel Cary gives the following Stith "Obituaries" in con- 
nection with his other data: 

William and Mary Quarterly 275 

"1780. 5-1 1. Mrs. Lucy Stith of Wilton, amiable spouse of 
Capt. John Stith of Baylor's Light Dragoons. 

1787. 4-5. Mrs. Rebecca Stith, Spouse of Major John Stith 
of Westbury, Charles City Co. 

''Query : Are not the above ladies successive wives of the 
same John Stith who appears in 1787 in Brunswick as Colonel? 
'Did the above John Stith, when he disappeared in 1787, possibly 
remove to N. C. or further South?'' 

Replying to these queries, the present writer would concur in 
the suggestion that the two ladies named! were probably succes- 
sive wives of Major John Stith, 4 eldest son of Lt. Col John 
Stith, 3 and his wife, Elizabeth Anderson. There are a number 
**of Stiths in Georgia and other Southern States, who may be 
descendants of the above named Major John Stith. 4 

Stith Tax Assessment. 

Col. Cary gives the following early tax assessment of prop- 
erty belonging to Stiths in Charles City County, in Brunswick 
County, and in Charlotte County, Va. : 

Charles City County. 

1782! "John Stith." 1200 A., 200 A, 47 slaves, 17 horses, 10 

cattle, 4 wheels. 
1787. "John Stith/' 200 A. 

Brunszvick County. 

1782. Buckner Senr. 2995 A; Drury 779 and 714 A; Griffin 
Northampton yyS A; Buckner, "son of Drury" 796 A. 
"Major Thomas" 375 and 450 A; "Lucy' 1881 A; "Ed- 
mund, orphan," 1032 A. 

1805. John 337 A; "Buckner deed. 710, 150, 30, 22, 2, 191 (total 
1105 A.); "Drury, deed." 269 A and 599 A and 4 A; 
Drury, 688 y 2 ; "Thomas, deed." 187^ 150, 163M, 117 
(total 617^4 A) ; Thomas, 560 A; Griffin, 409 A.; Daud 
140 A; Richard 514, 199, 5^ A (total 718^ A.). 

Charlotte County. 

1782. "Drury Stith' s Est." 800 A; Thomas Stith (Brunswick) 
300 A. 

276 William and Mary Quarterly 


By Henry Strother, Fort Smith, Arkansas. 

In your Vol. XXL, No. 3, Jan., 191 3, p. 204, is a query from 
me in regard to "Park Smith," some very interesting old letters 
and family records have been dug up, which show that he was 
son of Francis Smith & Elizabeth Waddy, of Hanover, & Francis 
Smith was son of Dr. John Smith, & giving parents of Elizabeth 
Waddy, &c, also showing that Col. William Preston 2 (John 1 ), 
m. Susannah Smith, sister of this Park Smith, and hence she is 
the ancestress of all the great Prestons of the South, statesmen, 
governors, generals, &c. I have intended to prepare as short an 
answer to that query as I well could and send it to you for 
publication if you deemed it worthy. 

In Aug.; Sept. and Oct., 191 2, I spent nine weeks searching 
records, &c, in Ky. & Va. 

In Clks. office in Bowling Green, Ky., I found the original 
will (record book gone), of Robert Strother, 4 bro. of Capt. 
John 4 (Francis, 3 Wm. 2 Wm. 1 ), & this Robert is the ancestor of 
many prominent Strothers of Ky. & Mo., who do not know their 
ancestry back of this Robert's son, John Dabney Strother, of 
Nelson Co., Ky. 

I spent five days in office in Culpeper and found some records 
the kind Clerk said were not there. I spent 13 days in the office 
at Staunton, & found an immense amount of Huston (& Hous- 
ton) data, I found the original will of "J onn Huston/' the Im- 
migrant, ancestor of Gen. Sam Houston, & other prominent 
Houstons. I got a certified copy of this will and traced the 
signature. I spent 4 days at Lexington, and traced the original 
signatures of Gen. Sam's parents. The father's sig. was the 
greatest I found in Va. & the mother's showed much character. 
Gen Sam was no accident. 

I spent ten days with my good old cousins, Judge P. W. 
Strother and his good wife, at their mountain home near Pearis- 
burg, and must say it was the visit of my life. 

William and Mary Quarterly 277 

I spent a week in Richmond, and secured much valuable data 
from the Land Office there. At Staunton I traced the original 
signatures of Gabriel Jones, "the Valley Lawyer," Hon. Thomas 
Lewis, John Madison, first Clk. of Augusta, & father of Bishop 
Madison, et. al., Anthony Strother, 3 (Wm., 2 Wm. 1 ), b. 1710, d. 
1765, merchant at Fredericksburg, ancestor of "Porte Crayon" 
who died without knowing which Anthony was his ancestor. He 
scattered broadcast the statement that his ancestor was Anthony, 
son of "Francis of St. Mark's Parish," whom he said was son 
of Jeremiah, &c, when he was absolutely wrong, Francis' son 
Anthony, was b. about 1734, m. Frances Eastham. & d. in Hardy 
Co., Va. I have stacks of data from his descendants. I have 
spent thirty odd yrs. examining county records & land titles & 
I claim to be an expert of the experts in finding what I want. 


(See Quarterly, XXL, 44-47.) 

It is shown from Quarterly, XXL, page 99, that Col Rich- 
and Johnson came from Bilsby, County Lincoln, England, where 
the parish register might tell more of his family if examined. 
An account given some years ago by Mrs. Mary Ann GifTord, 
daughter of Chapman Johnson and granddaughter of Thomas 
Johnson "Minor" enables the pedigree to be written more exactly. 

1. Col. Richard 1 Johnson, of King and Queen Co. (died 
1699) by a wife in England had issue: 2. Judith, who married, 
Sir Hardoff Westneys, Baronet, son of Sir Edmund Wastneys, 
who married Catherine Sandys, great-granddaughter of Edwin 
Sandys, archbishop of York. Sir Edmund Wastneys was a 
nephew of Sir Hardoff Wastneys, who married a niece of Sir 
Henry Chicheley, Governor of Virginia from 1678- 1680. The 
first named Sir Hardoff Wastneys died 17 Dec, 1742, without 
issue, and the baronetcy became extinct. By a "second venter" 

278 William and Mary Quarterly 

in Virginia, Col. Johnson had issue : 3 Thomas; 4 Richard, who 
died without issue about 1733, leaving his lands to his nephews 
Thomas and Richard; 5 William. 

3. Thomas 2 Johnson (Richard 1 ) died before 1734, married 
Anne Meriwether, daughter of Col. Nicholas Meriwether of New 
Kent by his wife Elizabeth Crawford. He had issue: four sons 
and two daughters: 6 Nicholas, oldest son, married Elizabeth 
Hudson ; 7 Richard; 8 Jane, married Richard Chapman ; 9 Wil- 
liam, married Elizabeth Hutchinson ; 10 Anne, married Thomas 
Coke, (Giflord), but the Louisa County Records say she married 
John Boswell, he may have been a second. husband ; 11 Thomas, 
called "Major," married Ursula Rowe. The widow 3 Ann Meri- 
wether Johnson (baptized July 15, 1694, died 1780-1785), married 
2dly John Cosby, who died in 1761 without issue. 

6. Nicholas 3 Johnson (Thomas, 2 Richard 1 ) died June 4, 
1766, had by Elizabeth Hudson: 12 Thomas Johnson "Junior," 
who married Elizabeth Meriwether; 13 Richard, married Susanna 
Garrett, daughter of William Garrett, of Louisa, whose will 
dated 1779, was proved in 1780, and had issue Kitty, b. Dec. 18, 
1786.' (Quarterly, XV., 251). 14 Henry Astelow, married 
Susanna Michie; 15 Mary, married Richard Anderson. 

12. Thomas 3 Johnson (Nicholas, 2 Richard 1 ), called "Junior," 
was sheriff of Louisa Co. and member of the County Committee 
in 1775. "H e came into court 12 may, 1766, and made oath that 
Nicholas Johnson died without making a will and letters of ad- 
ministration were granted him on his decedent's estate" (com- 
municated by Stephen H. Walsh, of Philadelphia). He married 
Elizabeth Meriwether, daughter of Major Thomas Meriwether 
(David, Colonel Nicholas) and Elizabeth Thornton his wife 
(born March 3, 1744) and had issue. 16 Elizabeth Thornton, 
married John Poindexter, of Louisa, Dec. 26, 1781 (Quarterly, 
XV., 32), who had issue: (a) Thomas b. Nov. 14, 1783. (b) 
Nicholas, born Sept. 18, 1786; and (c) Lucy Jones born Feb. 
2, 1789. (See Quarterly, XV., 122, 250, 251.) 17 Nicholas 
married (1) Mary Marks of Georgia; (2) Miss Gilmer, of Ala- 
bama; 18 Francis, married Miss Mitchell; 19 David, married 

William and Mary Quarterly 279 

Mary Tinsley; 20 Mary, married John Winston; 21 Sarah, mar- 
ried Richard Overton; 22 Thomas, b. Nov. 14, 1783 (Quar- 
terly, XV., 123) m. (1) Harriet Washington; (2) Martha 
Winston; 23 Ann Meriwether, born Oct. 19, 1786 (Quarterly, 
XV., 250), married Charles Barret. 

7. Richard 3 Johnson (Thomas, 2 Richard 1 ) was lieutenant 
Col. of the Louisa militia in 1742 and afterwards lived at New 
Castle, Hanover County, where he died in Oct. 1771. His wife 

Dorothy — was living in 1769 (Hening, Statutcs-at-large, 

VIII., 459). Mrs. Gifford says he married Dorothy Powers, 
but this was probably 24 Richard, probably his son, who married 
Dolly Powers Nov. 14, 1770, and had issue Reuben Powers 
Johnson, born Oct. 7, 1772. (See Quarterly, XV., 30, 119, 
where in one place Dolly is written "Polly" and Powers "Powis," 
which I take to be errors in copying) 25 Nicholas Meriwether 
Johnson, of New Castle, was probably another son, as was proba- 
bly 26 Capt. William Johnson. (See Quarterly, XXL, p. 46.) 

9. William 3 Johnson (Thomas,' 1 Richard 1 ), was member of 
the House of Burgesses for Louisa in 1769. He married Eliza- 
both Hutchinson (Gifford). Who then was William Johnson, of 
Hanover Co., who married Martha Jones (daughter of Lane 
Jones) and was living in 1761 (?). (See Quarterly, V., p. 
194, 196.) William Johnson & Elizabeth Hutchinson had issue: 
27 Thomas Johnson, known as Thomas Johnson "Minor." He 
married his cousin Jane Chapman, daughter of Richard Chap- 
man (See Quarterly, XXL, p. 46 for children). 

11. Thomas 3 Johnson, known as 'Thomas Johnson Major." 
He was a member of the Assembly from Louisa, 1760- 1776, 
signer of the association in 1769, member of the County Com- 
mittee in 1774. He is mentioned in his mother Ann Cosby's will 
as then living. He married Ursula or Ujrsilla Rowe and had 
issue. 28 Lucy, born July 14, 1781 (Quarterly, XV., p. 250). 

The Statutes of the College of William and 
Mary, Codified in 1736 

Following are published the title page and the English version of the 
Statutes of the College of William and Mary as codified and pub- 
lished in 1736. They are extracted from a little volume in the 
Library of Congress which contains in Latin and English the Charter 
and Statutes of the College for that year. Perhaps the book in the 
Library of Congress is the only one of its edition existing on this 
side of the Atlantic, others can doubtless be found in the Libraries 
of the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Bishop of London in 
England. In the present publication the title of the book is given, 
but the Charter in Latin and English and the Latin version of the 
Statutes are omitted. The original paging is not preserved. 

For the Statutes of 1758, see William and Mary College Quarterly, 
Vol. XVI., 239-256. The Statutes of 1758 raised the period for Bachelor 
of Arts from two years study in the Philosophy Schools to four years, 
and for Master of Arts from four years to seven years. For 
Statutes of 1792, see William and Mary Quarterly, Vol. XX, 52-59. 
These Statutes reduce the time for Bachelor of Arts to two years, 
and for Master of Arts to four years as in the Statutes for 1736. 







3n 3latm anb Cngiisf) 


Printed by William Parks, M,DCC,XXXVT 









Toward the cultivating the minds of Men, and rectify- 
ing their Manners, what a mighty infulence the Studies 
of good Letters, and the liberal Sciences have, appear from 
hence, that these Studies not only flourished of Old amongst 
those famous Nations, the Hebrews, Egyptians, Greeks, and 
Romans; but in the latter Ages of the World likewise, after a 
great Interruption and almost Destruction of them, through the 
Incursions of the barbarous Nations, they are at last retrieved, 
and set up with Honour in all considerable Nations. Upon this, 
there followed the Reformation of many Errours and Abuses in 
the Point of Religion, and the Institution of Youth to the Duties 
of Christian Virtues and Civility; and a due Preparation of fit 
Persons for all Offices in Church and State. But no where was 
there any greater Danger on account of Ignorance and want of 
Instruction, than in the English Colonies of America ; in which 
the first Planters had much to do, in a Country over-run with 
Woods and Briers, and for many Years infested with the Incur- 

William and Mary Quarterly 283 

sions of the barbarous Indians, to earn a mean' Livelyhood with 
hard Labour, There were no Schools to be found in those Days, 
nor any Opportunity for good Education. Some few, and very 
few indeed, of the Richer, sort, sent their Children to England, 
to be educated. And there, after many Dangers from the Seas 
and Enemies, and unusual Distempers, occasioned by the Change 
of Country and Climate, they were often taken off by the small 
Pox, and other Diseases. It was no wonder if this occasioned 
a great Defect of Understanding, and all Sort of Literature, and 
that it was followed with a new Generation of Men, far short of 
their ForeFathers, which, if they had the good Fortune, tho' 
at a very indifferent Rate, to read and write, had no further 
Commerce with the Muses, or learned Sciences ; but spent their 
Life ignobly at the Hoe and Spade, and other Employments of 
an uncultivated and unpolished Country. There remained still 
notwithstanding a small Remnant of Men of better Spirit, who 
had either had the Benefit of better Education themselves in their 
Mother-Country, or at least had heard of it from Others. These 
Mens private Conferences among themselves being communicated 
to greater Numbers in the like Circumstances, produced at last 
a Scheme of a Free School and College, which was by them 
exhibited to the President and Council, in the Year 1690; a little 
before the Arrival of Lieutenant-Governor Nicholson, which 
was afterwards recommended by them with Applause to the next 
ensuing General Assembly. This work so luckily begun, made 
a very considerable Progress under his Government. For, altho' 
being tyed up by Injunctions from my Lord Effingham, Chief 
Governor, who was then in England, he was not allowed to call 
an Assembly so soon as he would, yet that designed good Work 
did not sleep in the mean time ; for in that Interval of Assem- 
blies, he and the Council sent out Briefs, by which, and their 
own good Example, they invited and encouraged the Subscrip- 
tions of the Inhabitants. These Briefs were recommended to 
the Care and Management of Mr. Comissary Blair, a Minister, 
who had been one of the First Projectors of this good Work, 
and was a little before this, made Commissary to the Bishop of 
London ; with the help of his Surrogats some of the most credit- 

284 William and Mary Quarterly 

able Ministers of the Country, and brought in Subscriptions to 
the Value of Two Thousand Pounds Sterling. Upon this fol- 
lowed that famous General Assembly of the Year 1691. This 
Assembly not only approved that Scheme of a College, as well 
fitted to this Country; but resolved upon an humble Petition to 
King William and Queen Mary, for a Charter to empower cer- 
tain Trustees that they named, to found such a College, and 
that their Majesties would likewise assist in the Funds necessary 
for building the Edifices, and maintaining the President and 
Masters. To deliver this Petition, and to negotiate this whole 
Affair, they made Mr. Blair their Agent to sollicit it at the Court 
of England. Tho' both the King and Queen were exceeding 
well inclined, and the good Bishops, especially Dr. Tillotson, 
Archbishop of Canterbury, and Dr. Compton, Bishop of London, 
gave all Assistance; and Mr. Blair followed it with Diligence 
and Dexterity, it was a long Time before all the Difficulties, 
which were objected, were got over. But at last, after Two 
Years spent in that Service, an ample Charter was obtained, with 
several Gifts, both for Building and Endowment, for paying 
the President's and Master's Salaries; and Mr. Blair, by Advice 
of the General Assembly in Virginia, and the Bishops in Eng- 
land, being made President of the College, returned to see all 
put in Execution. In which for many Years afterwards he 
was involved in a great Number of Difficulties, some of which 
threatened the total Subversion of the Design. Especially when 
in the Year 1705, the Buildings and Library were destroyed by 
Fire; and there was no Money to repair that Loss. Yet at 
Length, by Patience and good Husbandry of the Revenues, and 
the Bounty of Queen Anne, the Work was finished a second 
Time to every one's Admiration. But to go on to another neces-' 
sary Branch of this Design, which we are now about, other Ob- 
structions bein^, in good Measure removed, there seems to be 
nothing more necessary than that, according to the Advice of 
our most Reverend Chancellor Dr. Wake, Archbishop of Canter- 
bury, some Rules and Statutes should be made for the good 
Government of the College, and of the President, and Masters, 
and Scholars, and all Others, that either live in it, or are em- 

William and Mary Quarterly 285 

ployed in the Management of its Affairs abroad, after mature 
Deliberation with the said Lord Archbishop, our Chancellor. 
But because in Progress of Time many Things will be found to 
be more expedient, when from small Beginnings the College shall 
have come to greater Perfection ; and some Things too will 
want to be corrected and altered, as future Cases and Circum- 
stances may require : All these Things we are very willing to 
leave to the Visitors and Governors, for the Time being, to be 
added, diminished and changed, according to the different Cir- 
cumstances of the College, for promoting the Study of the 
learned Languages, and liberal Arts; according to the Powers 
granted them by the College Charter. Only that nothing may 
be enacted rashly, in the Heat of Disputation, no old Statute 
suddenly changed, or new One made ; we recommend it for a 
Rule in these Matters, that no new Statute be enacted or pre- 
scribed, untill it has been duly proposed, read and considered 
at Two several Meetings of the Governors of the College. 

Concerning the College Senate. i 

As to the Number, Authority, and Power of the College 
Senate, in chusing the Chancellor, and the President, and 
Masters, and in appointing and changing of Statutes, all this is 
sufficiently set forth in the College Charter. From whence it is 
evident, how much depends upon them, and how far a good 
Election, of them conduces to the good Government of the 

Therefore in the Election of all Visitors and Governors of 
the College, let such be preferred as are Persons of good Morals, 
and sound in the Doctrine of the reformed Church of England ; 
and Friends and Patrons of the College i and polite Learning; 
and Gentlemen in good Circumstances, such as by their Interest, 
if their be occasion, can patronize and serve the College. 

Let the College Senate beware, that no Differences of Parties 
be held up and cherished, either amongst Themselves, or the 
President and Masters; and let them take care that all Things 

286 William and Mary Quarterly 

be transacted quietly and moderately, without Favour or Hatred 
to any Person whatsoever. 

" Let them maintain and support the ordinary Authority of the 
President and Masters in the Administration of the dayly Gov- 
ernment of the College, and let them refer all common domes- 
tick Complaints to them: And not suffer themselves to be 
troubled, except in Matters of great Moment, where there is some 
Difficulty to be got over, or some Corruption or ill Practice to 
be reformed, or a new Statute to be made, or some other weighty 
Business to be transacted. ' 

In the Election of a President or Masters, let them have a 
principal Regard to their Learning, Piety, Sobriety, Prudence, 
good Morals, Orderliness and Observance of Discipline, and that 
they be of a quiet and peaceable Spirit; and let them chuse such 
Persons into the vacant Places, without Respect of Persons. 

Of the Chancellor. 

The Chancellor is to be the Mecoenas or Patron of the Col- 
lege, such a One as by his Favour with the King, and by his 
Interest with all other Persons in England, may be enabled to 
help on all the College Affairs. His advice is to be taken, espe- 
cially in all such arduous and momentous Affairs, as the Col- 
lege shall have to do in England. If the College has any Petitions 
at any Time to the King or Queen, let them be presented by their 

If 'the College wants a new President, or Professor, or Mas- 
ter, out of Great-Britain, let the College Senate rely chiefly on 
his Assistance, Advice and Recommendation. 

Concerning the President, and Masters and Schools. 

There are Three Things, which the Founders of this Col- 
lege proposed to themselves, to which all its Statutes should be 
directed. The First is, that the Youth of Virginia should be 

William and Mary Quarterly 287 

well educated to Learning and good Morals. The Second is, 
that the Churches of America, especially Virginia, should be 
supplied with good Ministers after the Doctrines and Govern- 
ment of the Church of England ; and that the College should be 
a constant Seminary for this Purpose. The Third is, that the 
Indians of America should be instructed in the Christian Reli- 
gion, and that some of the Indian Youth that are well-behaved 
and well-inclined, being first well prepared in the Divinity School, 
may be sent out to preach the Gospel to their Countrymen in 
their Own Tongue, after they have duly been put in Orders of 
Deacons and Priests. 

For carrying on these noble Designs, let there be Four 
Schools assigned within the College Precincts ; of which, together 
with the Masters, or Professors, belonging to them, some Direc- 
tions must be driven. 

The Grammar School. 

To this School belongs a School-master; and if the Num- 
ber of Scholars requires it, an Usher. The School-master is 
One of the Six Masters, of whom, with the President, and 
Scholars, the College consists. But the Usher is not reckoned a 
Member of that Body. Let there be paid in Yearly Salary to 
the School-master, Eighty Pounds Sterling, and Twenty Shill- 
ings Sterling from each Scholar, by the Year, when there is no 
Usher. But if there be an Usher too in that School, let Fifteen 
Shillings be paid to the Master, and Five to the Usher ; and for a 
Yearly Salary, let there be paid to the Usher, Fifty Pounds Ster- 
ling. But from the poor Scholars, who are upon any charitable 
College Foundation, neither the Master, nor Usher, are to take 
any School Wages ; but they are to be taught Gratis. 

In this Grammar School, let the Latin and Greek Tongues 
be well taught. W r e assign Four Years to the Latin, and Two 
to the Greek. As for Rudiments and Grammars, and Classick 
Authors of each Tongue, let them teach the same Books, which 
by Law or Custom are used in. the Schools of England. Never- 
theless, we allow the School-master the Liberty, if he has any 

288 William and Mary Quarterly 

Observations on the Latin or Greek Grammars, or any of the 
Authors that are taught in his School, that with the Approba- 
tion of the President, he may dictate them to the Scholars. Let 
the Master take special Care, that if the Author is never so well 
approved on other Accounts, he teach no such Part of him to his 
Scholars, as insinuates any Thing against Religion or good 
morals. And because nothing contributes so much to the Learn- 
ing of Languages, as dayly Dialogues, and familiar Speaking 
together, in the Languages they are learning; let the Master 
therefore take Care that out of the Colloquies of Corderius and 
Erasmus, and Others, who have employed their Labours this 
Way, the Scholars may learn aptly to express their Meaning to 
each other. And if there are any sort of Plays or Diversions in 
Use among them, which are not to be found extant in any printed 
Books, let the Master compose and dictate to his Scholars Col- 
loquies fit for such sorts of Plays, that they may learn at all 
Times to speak Latin in apt and proper Terms. 

Special care likewise must be taken of their Morals, that 
none of the Scholars presume to tell a Lie, or Curse or Swear, or 
to take or do any Thing Obscene, or Quarrel and Fight, or play 
at Cards or Dice, or set in to Drinking, or do any Thing else 
that is contrary to good Manners. And that all such Faults may 
be so much the more easily detected, the Master shall chuse some 
of the most trusty Scholars both for Publick and Clandestine 
Observators, to give him an Account of all such Transgressions, 
and according to the degrees of heynousness of the Crime, let the 
Discipline be used without Respect of Persons. 

As to the Method of Teaching, and of the Government of 
the School, let the Usher be obedient to the Master in every 
Thing, as to his Superior. 

On Saturdays and the Eves of Holydays, let a sacred Lesson 
be prescribed out of Castalio's Dialogues, or Buchanan's Para- 
phrase of the Psalms, according to the Capacity of the Boys, 
of which an Account is to be taken on Monday, and the next 
Day after the Holydays. 

The Master shall likewise take care that all the Scholars learn 
the Church of England Catechism in the vulgar Tongue; and 
that they who are further advanced learn it likewise in Latin. 

William and Mary Quarterly 289 

Before they are promoted to the Philosophy School, they who 
aim at the Privileges and Revenue of a Foundation Scholar, 
must first undergo an Examination before the President and 
Masters, and Ministers skilful in the learned languages ; whether 
they have made due Progress in their Latin and Greek. And 
let the same Examination be undergone concerning their Progress 
in the Study of Philosophy, before they are promoted to the 
Divinity School. And let no Blockhead or lasy Fellow in his 
Studies be elected. 

If the Revenues of the College for the Scholars are so well 
before-hand, that they are more than will serve Three Candidates 
in Philosophy, and as many in Divinity, then what is left let it 
be bestowed on Beginners in the Grammar School. 

The Philosophy School. 

Forasmuch as we see now dayly a further Progress in 
Philosophy, than could be made by Aristotle's Logick and Phy- 
sicks, which reigned so long alone in the Schools, and shut out 
all other; therefore we leave it to the President and Masters, 
by the Advice of the Chancellor, to teach what Systems of 
Logick, Physicks, Ethicks, and Mathematicks, they think fit in 
their Schools. Further we judge it requisite, that besides Dis- 
putations, the studious Youth be exercised in Declammations 
and Themes on various Subjects, but not any taken out of the 
Bible. Those we leave to the Divinity School. 

In the Philosophy School we appoint Two Masters or Pro- 
fessors, who for their Yearly Salary shall each of them receive 
Eighty Pounds Sterling, and Twenty Shillings Sterling a Year 
from each Scholar, except such poor Ones as are entertained 
at the College Charge, upon the Foundation; for they are to 
be taught Gratis. 

One of these Masters shall teach Rhetorick, Logick, and 
Ethicks. The other Physicks, Metaphysicks, and Mathematicks. 

For these Studies we allot Two Years before they attain to 
the Degree of Batchelour, and Four before they attain the De- 
gree of Master of Arts. 

290 William and Mary Quarterly 

The Divinity School. 

In this School let there be two Professors, with a Salary of 
One Hundred and Fifty Pounds Sterling to each ; they are to have 
nothing from the Students or Candidates of Theology. 

Let one of these Professors teach the Hebrew Tongue, and 
critically expound the literal Sense of the Holy Scripture both 
of the Old and New Testament. 

Let the other explain the common Places of Divinity, and the 
Controversies with Hereticks; and let them have Prelections and 
Disputations on those Subjects. 

And let the Students of Divinity divide their Time betwixt 
those Two Professors. 

The Indian School. 

There is but One Master in this School, who is to teach the 
Indians Boys to read, and write, and vulgar Arithmetick. And 
especially he is to teach them thoroughly the Catechism and the 
Principles of the Christian Religion. For a Yearly Salary, let 
him have Forty or Fifty Pounds Sterling, according to the 
Ability of that School, appointed by the Honourable Robert Boyl, 
or to be further appointed by other Benefactors. And in the 
same School the Master may be permitted to teach other Scholars. 
from the Town, for which he is to take the usual Wages of 
Twenty Shillings a Year. 

Concerning the President. 

That every One may so much the more diligently wait upon 
his proper Office, besides the Six Professors or Masters, we have 
appointed a President to be Supervisor of the rest. Let there- 
be chosen for President, a Man of Gravity, that is in Holy 
Orders, of an unblemished Life, and good Reputation and not 
under Thirty Years of Age. Of Ecclesiastical Benefices that. 

William and Mary Quarterly 291 

have a Cure of Souls annexed, he shall not posses above One, 
and that of so near a Distance from the College, that it may not 
hinder his ordinary Care and Attendance upon the College. Let 
the Election of him be entrusted with the Governors of the 
College. Besides Learning, and an unblemish'd good Life, Care 
must be taken that he be a Man of Prudence, and skilful in 
Business, and industrious and diligent in the Manage of all 
Affairs; always preferring the Honour and Interest of the Col- 
lege, to his own or any other Person's Concerns. Let him have 
a watchful Eye over the other Masters and Professors, that they 
be not absent from their Employments. Let the Masters often 
examine the Scholars in his Presence ; and let him likewise often 
examine them apart from their Masters, that both Masters and 
Scholars may be excited to greater Diligence in their Studies. 
Let him likewise have a Theological Lecture once a Week in the 
Explication of Scripture, or some Theological Subject, or on 
some Controversy against Hereticks. And let him take care that 
the other Two Professors diligently attend their Lectures and 
Disputations. Let him diligently inspect into the Revenues and 
Expenses of the College, and see that once a Year at least a full 
Account be perfected of all Receits and Issues ; and that if there 
be Occasion for it, it be laid before the Visitors and Governors at 
their General Meeting. Whatever Business of the College re- 
quires Epistolary Commerce with any Persons, he must take care 
to write about it, especially to the Chancellor. He is to appoint 
the Times for the ordinary Meetings of himself and the Masters, 
at which he is to preside. And to the End, that all Things past 
at these Meetings may be truly entred in Books by the Scribe of 
the Meeting, the President shall first read over the Minutes, and 
if there be Occasion, correct the Errours and Omissions: He 
must provide in due Time that the Edifices be duly kept up and • 
repaired. And that the Visitors and Governors of the College 
may be the better informed of every Thing relating to it, let the 
President be always allowed to be, and accordingly let him be 
present at all their Meetings and Councils. 

Let the President's Yearly Salary be One Hundred and Fifty 
Pounds Sterling, with an House and Garden suitable to the Place, 
so soon as the College Revenues will bear all these Expenses. 

292 William and Mary Quarterly 

Of the Ordinary Government of the College. 
Let the ordinary Government of the College be in the Presi- 

dent and the Six Masters, viz. the Two Professors of Divinity; 
and the Two Professors of Philosophy, and the Master of the 
Grammar School, and the Master of the Indian School. Let the 
Power of calling, proroguing, and dismissing this Sort of Meet- 
ings be in the President. As to the Business to be treated of in 
these Meetings, in the first Place it must be their Care that all 
the Statutes of the College be diligently rJut in Execution. If any 
of the Statutes are found to be inconvenient, so as to want to be 
amended or changed, let them modestly propose all such desired 
Amendments to the General Meeting of the Visitors and Gov- 
ernors, and submit them to their Deliberation. Let all Com- 
plaints and Grievances, which the Masters in their particular 
Schools can not redress, be brought first to the President, and 
by him to the Meeting of the Masters. To this Meeting belongs 
the Election and Nomination of all Officers that are necessary 
or requisite for the College Business, such as the Usher in the 
Grammar School, the Bursar, the Library-keeper, the Janitor, 
the Oook, the Butler, and Gardner, the Writing-master, the Work- 
men for Building or Repairing; Bailiffs, and Overseers. But 
in lesser Matters, the President's Order by Word of Mouth may 
suffice. If any of the Statutes are not backed and fortified with 
due Penalties and Mulcts, the setting of such Mulcts and Penal- 
ties is referred to this Meeting of the President and Masters. 
7 Let all Things in this Meeting, if possible, be transacted unani- 

mously,; if that can't be, let the Decision be by Plurality of Votes. 
If the Votes are equal, the Side on which the President is, shall 
be taken for the major Part. 

In all Business of great Weight and Consequence, especially if 
the President and Masters cannot agree, let the College Senate, 
consisting of the Visitors and Governors, be consulted; and by 
their Determination let all the greater Differences be decided. 

For avoiding the Dangers of Heresy, Schism, and Dis- 
loyalty, let the President and Masters, before they enter upon 
these Offices, give their Assent to the Articles of the Christian 

William and Mary Quarterly 293 

Faith, in the same Manner, and in the same Words, as the Min- 
isters in England, by Act of Parliament are obliged to sign the 
Articles of the Church of England. And in the same Manner 
too they shall take the Oaths of Allegiance to the King or Queen 
of England. And further, they shall take an Oath that they will 
faithfully discharge their Office, occording to the College Statutes, 
before the President and Masters, upon the Holy Evangelist. 
All this under the Penalty of being deprived of their Office and 
Salary. *r 

Of the Scholars. 

There are Two Sorts of Scholars ; one is of them who are 
maintained at their own Charge, and pay School Wages in the 
Schools where the Masters are allowed to take Wages as above. 
The other Sort is of those who are maintained at the College's 

As to the First Sort of Scholars, we leave their Parents and 
Guardians at Liberty whether they shall lodge and eat within the 
College, or elsewhere in the Town, or any Country Village near 
the Town. For it being our Intention that the Youth, with as 
little Charge as they can, should learn the learned Languages and 
the other liberal Arts and Sciences; If any have their Houses so 
near the College, that from thence the College Bells can be heard, 
and Publick Hours of Study be duly observed, we would not by 
these our Statutes hinder them from boarding their own Children, 
or their Friends, or from lodging them at their own Houses. 
Nevertheless we hope that all Things relating to the Table or 
Lodging will be so well supplied within the College, that they can 
be no where cheaper or better accomodated. 

Let the spare Chambers of the College over and above what 
are necessary for the President and Masters, and other Officers 
of the College, be let out at moderate Rents to the better Sort of 
the big Boys; and let the Money they yield be laid out in the 
Reparation of the Edifices of the College. 

Out of the Scholars, after they have been Six Years at the 
College (to be computed by the matriculation Book,) let there 

294 William and Mary Quarterly 

be chosen to be put upon the Foundation, as many as the Col- 
lege can maintain out of the Funds allotted for that Purpose. 
And let them be thereafter diligently instructed and maintained, 
'till they are put in Orders, and preferred to some Place and Of- 
fice in the Church. The Election of this Sort of Scholars let it 
be in the President and Masters ; and in that Election let them 
chiefly regard besides their Poverty, their Ingeniousness, Learn- 
ing, Piety, and good Behaviour, as to their Morals. And the 
more any one of the Candidates excells in these Things, he has 
so much the better Title to be preferred; and let him be pre- 
ferred accordingly. 

Of the College Bursar or Treasurer. 

Because the Circumstances of the College in this its Infancy, 
will not as yet admit of many Officers, who perhaps when it 
comes to be richer in Revenues, and has a greater Number of 
Students, will become necessary : Therefore referring the Rules 
concerning the Butler, Cook, Janitor, Library-keeper, Gardener, 
and other Officers to the President and Masters, who are to 
direct their Offices and Salaries, as the College shall find them 
useful and necessary; we shall only at present lay down some 
Rules concerning the Bursar or College Treasurer. 

It belongs to the Bursar timely and diligently to gather in 
all the College Revenues, or whatever else is due to it; and to 
keep the Money in a strong Chest. Likewise to pay to the Presi- 
dent, Masters, or Professors, and the Foundation Scholars their 
several Salaries, and to pay all other College Debts and Expenses 
honestly, and in due Time ; and to take Discharges and Receipts 
for every Thing. Let the Accounts of all Incomes and Disburse- 
ments be exactly entred in Account Books; and after they are 
audited and examined once in Half a Year by the President and 
Masters, that Examination, and their Discharge shall be entred 
in the same Count-Books, signed by the President's and Masters 

Let the President and Masters from Time to Time chuse a 
Man fit for this Business, such a one as is responsible, and 

William and Mary Quarterly 295 

well able to pay, and who shall likewise give good Security. For 
Salary he shall have Five in the Hundred for every Hundred 
which he has received and paid away, besides his Expences in 
suing at Law for any Debts due to the College, or any other 
Charges he has been out in Horses and Messages, or in recover- 
ing the College Dues, or carrying the Money from Maryland, or 
any other very remote Place. 

Of the Terms to be Kept. 

Let there be Three Terms for opening for Grammar and the 
Indian School. Let Hilary Term begin the First Monday after 
* [Epiphany, and end on Saturday before Palm-Sunday. Let 
Easter Term begin on Monday after the First Sunday after 
Easter; and let it end in the Eve of the Sunday before Whit- 
Sunday. Let Trinity Term begin on Monday after Trinity 
Sunday ; and end on the Sixteenth Day of December. Let the 
other Schools observe the same Terms ; except only, that to the 
Philosophy and Divinity Schools we grant Vacation from St. 
James's Day to St. Luke's. And because by frequent Examina- 
tion the Studies of Scholars are much promoted, we appoint that 
in the Beginning of every Term the Scholars of all the Schools 
and the several Classes in them should be examined in Public, 
in the public Hall, what Progress they have made in the Knowl- 
edge of those Languages and Arts in which they have been study- 
ing or should have studied. Let the Examiners be the Presi- 
dent and Masters; and likewise the Ministers, or any other 
learned, Men that please to afford their Company at these 

For as much as the yearly Income of the College at present 
is so small, that it cannot answer all the above appointed Salaries, 
and the other Things that there will be , Occasion to expend ; 
many Things are from Time to Time to be left to the Discretion 
of the Governors of the College; that according to the Circum- 
stances of the College, for the Time being, they may entirely cut 
off some Salaries, particularly those of the Hebrew Professor, 
and the Usher of the Grammar School ; and for a Time may 

296 William and Mary Quarterly 

lessen the Salaries of some other Professors and Masters, in 
Proportion to their Service and Residence. But when the Col- 
lege Revnues increase, and will bear it, they are all to be fully 
and timely paid. 

We the subscribers James Blair, and Stephen Fouace, Clerks, 
being the major Part of the surviving Trustees for the College 
of William and Mary, in Virginia, having considered the neces- 
sity there was to make Statutes for the good Government of the 
said College, do approve and confirm the aforesaid Statutes con- 
tained in the Twelve above written Pages ; and appoint them 
to be passed under the College Seal. Reserving notwithstanding 
the Power given by the Charter to the Visitors and Governors 
of the same College, namely, that proceeding regularly they may 
add new Statutes, or may even change these, as their Affairs and 
Circumstances from Time to Time] shall require. As to which 
nevertheless, especially in the arduous Affairs of great Weight 
and Moment, we are of Opinion that the Chancellor's Advice 
should be first taken. Dated at London, the 24th Day of June, 
in the Year of our Lord One Thousand Seven Hundred and 
Twenty Seven. 

James Blair, L. S. 

Stephen Fouace, L. S. 

* The part enclosed in brackets is missing from the original copy, 
and was supplied from the Statutes of 1758. 

William and Mary Quarterly 297 


Hening, William Waller, the lawyer and collector of the 
Statutes of Virginia, 1624-1792, married Anna Matilda Banks, 
and had issue: (1) Anna Matilda, married James Cabanis, Clerk 
of Williamsburg Court; (2) Betsy married (I.) Spotswood, 
(II.) Schermerhorn ; (3) Martha, married William Swann; (4) 
Virginia, married Abbott; (5) Maria Waller, died unmarried; 
(6) William Henry, who had land in Powhatan; (7) Rev. Ed- 
mund married three times, left one son, Crawford Hening. 

James Cabanis and Anna Matilda had the following issue: 
(1) Eliza Virginia, married William P. Underwood, Clerk of 
Surry, son of Thomas Underwood and Elizabeth Southall, sister 
of James Alexander Southall, Peyton Alexander, Frances Eliza- 
beth, George W., Matilda and Eleanor Southall, who married 
Samuel F. Bright; (2) George Henry married Martha Green 
and lived in Mississippi; (3) William Waller, died unmarried; 
(4) Robert, died unmarried; (5) Thomas Thompson, married 
Ella Gray and moved to California; (6) Juliana, married (I.) 
James Wilson, (II.) Charles B. Hayden. Other children who died 

William P. Underwood and Eliza Virginia Cabanis had: 
(1) Anna Matilda, married Dr. J. W. Sessoms, of North Caro- 
lina; (2) William Southall, who married Louisa Ruffin ; (3) 
John, who married Rosa Dillard ; (4) James C, who married 
Emma Wagner; (5) Julia, married J. W. Whitley; (6) Mary 
Coleman, second wife of A. S. Edwards, present clerk of Surry 

Degrees Conferred. — The published list in the Historical 
Catalogue does not contain the names of all the persons upon 
whom honorary degrees were previously conferred. Probably the 
loss of the Faculty-Book covering this period, 1784 to 18 17, ac- 
counts for this. Thus in February, 1785, the honorary degree of 
LL. D. was conferred on James Madison, subsequently President, 
Rives, Life of Madison, II., 6. In his letter apprizing him of the 
fact George Wythe, the Professor of Law, states that similar 
hbnors had been bestowed upon Benjamin Franklin, Daniel 

298 William and Mary Quarterly 

Rittenhouse, Edmund Randolph and John Page of Rosavcll. The 
degree conferred upon Rittenhouse was that of A. M. The 
diploma is given in Barton's Memoirs of Rittenhouse (pages 

Independence. — Cumberland County, Virginia, was the first 
community explicitly to declare for the Independence of the 
United Colonies. This was done on April 22, 1776. The conven- 
tion of North Carolina on April 12, 1776, instructed its delegates 
in Congress to concur with the delegates from the other States 
for Independence, but unlike Cumberland County, gave no direct 
instructions to its delegates to move in the matter. Carter Henry 
Harrison, of ''Clifton," Cumberland County, brother of Ben- 
jamin Harrison, the signer, was the author of the Cumberland 
resolutions. See Quarterly, II., 252-255. Hon. Carter H. 
Harrison, of Vinita, Powhatan County, says in a recent letter: 
"My great-great-grandfather, the 1st Carter H. of the name, 
built the old family mansion "Clifton," which is still standing, 
and in a good state of preservation. He had a son Carter who 
died when quite a young man. From his son Randolph Harrison 
nearly all of the James River Harrisons now living are descended 
except the Lower Brandon Harrisons. Randolph Harrison's 
son Carter was my grandfather. My father was Carter H. 
Harrison, major nth Va. Infantry, killed at Bull Run, July 18, 
1861. Randolph Harrison's son, Carter, emigrated to Kentucky 
and from him came the two mayors of Chicago, Carter H., father 
and son." 

Sands, Alexander H. G., son of Thomas Sands, of Wil- 
liamsburg, was born in 1828, and died in Richmond in 1887. He 
was a lawyer and a law writer of note. He was author of Sands' 
"Suit in Equity," "Recreation of a Southern Barrister," and 
some other miscellaneous writings. He left an incomplete legal 
and constitutional history of Virginia. He entered the Grammar 
School of William and Mary in 1838, where he continued four 
years. He did not enter the regular College classes. The follow- 
ing extract from his autobiography gives an idea of the courses 
covered in the Grammar School: 

"I was sent to Dabney Brown, Esq., then the Professor of 
Humanity in William and Mary College. It was called the Gram- 

William and Mary Quarterly 299 

mar School. Here at the age of 10 years I began the study of Latin. 
In some four years, I had read through the ordinary course, 
Corderius, Historia Sacra, Caesar, Ovid, Livy, Virgil, Sallust, 
Cicero, Horace, Terence, Juvenal and Persius, and had made 
some proficiency in Greek, reading beside Xenophon and Homer 
the authors collected in the Graeca Minora and Majora, and sev- 
eral of the writings of Isocrates for which I had then as now a 
special fondness. My French was very limited, Perrin's Fables 
and Voltaire's Charles the 12th, constituted my stock when I left 
school." ' . 

Thornton-Taliaferro. — On page 92, Vol. IV, of Quar- 
terly, is an account of Francis Thornton, Jr. (born January 4, 
1682), and Mary his wife. It does not seem that there can be 
any doubt that the wife was Mary Taliaferro, daughter of John 
Taliaferro and Sarah Smith, his wife. John Taliaferro men- 
tions his daughter Alary in his will, dated June 1, 1715- The 
children of Francis Thornton and Mary, his wife, were Francis, 
Reuben, John, Sarah, who married Slaughter, and Alice, who 
married James Taylor (see Virginia Genealogies, p. 675 and see 
will of,Reuben Thornton, Quarterly, IV., 160). Mrs. Eliza- 
beth Ward Doremus, of New York, writes as follows: "My 
great-grandfather, Gen. James Taylor, knew that Mary Thornton 
was the daughter of John Taliaferro, and spoke of it to my 
mother and others, but in his Journal where he speaks of Alice 
Thornton as having married his ancestor James Taylor, he did 
not go back into the Thornton line giving Alice's parents. I 
knew many of my Thornton and Taliaferro cousins in Kentucky 
as a child' when I lived with my great-grandmother, Mrs. James 
Taylor (nee Keturah Moss), wife of Gen. James Taylor, of 
Newport, Kentucky. She was ninety-six when she died and I 
remember her well." 

Pendleton-Bowie. — In "Some Prominent Virginia Families, 
by Louise Pequet du Bellet, Vol. 4, on page 230, 412, the state- 
ment is made that James Pendleton married Catherine Bowie, 
daughter of Governor Bowie, of Maryland. The author has 
probably borrowed this error from Rev. Philip Slaughter's "His- 
tory of Saint Mark's Parish." 

300 William and Mary Quarterly 

Catherine Bowie Pendleton was born in 1747. Governor 
Bowie, of Maryland, was born in 1749, and was therefore two 
years younger than his alleged granddaughter. Catherine Bowie 
who married Col. James Pendleton in 1765 was a daughter of 
John Bowie, of "The Hill," by his wife Judith Catlett, daughter 
of Col. John Catlett. John Bowie, the father of Catherine, and 
his brother James Bowie settled in Caroline County, Virginia, 
in 1742. They were sons of Allan Bowie and belonged to the 
Bowie family of Denny, Sterlingshire, Scotland. Allan Bowie 
was the first of the Virginia branch to settle in this country. He 
was a brother of the founder of the Bowie, family of Maryland. — 
/. S. Carpenter, Pay Director, U. S. N., Boston, Mass. 

Freeman. — Christopher Holmes Freeman, of New Kent Co., 
married a daughter of Thomas Claiborne, and had (1) Thomas 
Claiborne Freeman, born about 1753 (who married Susan 
Latham) ; (2) Sarah. (3) Eliza Dandridge, (4) Mary Claiborne 
and (5) Frances, and (6) George Dandridge Freeman, which 
last was born Feb. 18, 1763. The Dandridge and Claiborne 
names are in every generation of the family. What was the 
name, of Miss Claiborne, who married Freeman ? And how did 
the name Dandridge enter the Freeman family? — Mrs. Lelia C. 
Handy, Barcroft, Virginia. 

Strother Family. — Heirs of William Strother, Gent., dec, 
(1) Anthony, (2) Elizabeth, married John Frogg on Nov. 9, 
J 72>&'> (3) Alice, married Henry Tyler, Clerk of Stafford Co.; 
(4) Anne, married Francis Tyler (brother of Henry Tyler) on 
May 17, 1744; (5) Agatha, married John Madison, clerk of 
Augusta Co. (father of James Madison, President of William 
and Mary College; (6) Jane, married Thomas Lewis, of Augusta 
Co. on January 26, 1749; (7) Margaret, married Gabriel Jones, 
attorney at law. Hamilton, Letters to Washington, III., 310; 
Overwharton Parish Register; Grigsby's Convention of 1776, &c 

William and Mary Quarterly 501 


Notes on the Science of Government and the Relation of the State to 
the United States. By Raleigh C. Minor, Professor of Law, Uni- 
versity of Virginia. Anderson Brothers, Publishers, University of 
Virginia, 1913. 

This interesting work represents primarily the notes prepared by 
Professor Minor for the students in his class on constitutional law. It is 
divided into two parts. In the first part he outlines very carefully, but as 
concisely as possible, the general fundamental principles of good govern- 
ment as generally recognized. In the second part he gives a very accurate 
and interesting survey of the arguments advanced prior to the war for 
and against the States rights theory of the Union, with some considera- 
tion of the questions that may yet arise for decision, for the determination 
of which an attitude of mind for or against States rights will still be neces- 
sary. By the results of the war, the protection found for States rights 
in Nullification and peaceable secession is gone forever. Yet Dr. Minor 
believes that in the proper education of the youth of the country the 
wise distribution of power intended by the founders of the Union be- 
tween the Federal government and the States may be effectively preserved. 
Professor Minor may be too hopeful on this point, as the younger genera- 
tion \s coming to believe that the Federal government is arbiter of every- 
thing. Indeed, the people and the courts of the United States are fully 
committed since 1861 to the doctrine that there is no States rights to 
amount to anything in time of war and in time of peace only so much as 
the Federal courts may allow. However, in this book it is a great satis- 
faction for history's sake to have the truth properly presented. All the 
students text-books on the subject that are available have been written 
from the Northern and nationalistic standpoint. But here in this volume 
we have have both sides fairly presented, and there is no difficulty in 
deciding which was right. 

As bearing on the secession of the South in 1861, the political ques- 
tion, after all, is subordinate to the questions growing out of economic 
conditions and natural right. Economically speaking, the Union was a 
contradiction from the beginning, and the action of the South in 1861, 
was merely one of obedience to fundamental economic law. The North 
in resorting to force not only ignored the economic fact, but acted against 
the natural right of revolution which they had expressed in the Declara- 
tion of Independence. 

To deny the right of self-government to 8,000,000 people occupying a 
country half the size of Europe and only to be subdued by the most 
gigantic war was an astounding act of self-stultification. 

302 William and Mary Quarterly 

Virginia Under the Stuarts, 1607-1688. By Thomas J. Wertenbaker, Ph. 
D., Princeton University. Press : Princeton. 

This is an excellent work, carefully compiled from the mass of 
original records made public for the first time in the last twenty years. 
The author in the present volume has attempted to rewrite the political 
history of Virginia from the founding of Jamestown in 1607 to the Eng- 
lish Revolution in 1688, and he has done it in the most careful and yet 
sympathetic manner. His work is almost entirely confined to the political 
movements of the period and he has little to say of social and economic 
conditions. The author's own conclusions and comment upon passing 
events are almost always just and reasonable} though an exception may 
be found in his approval of the administration of Sir Thomas Dale. 
Looking at the beneficient effects that were immediately manifest under 
the free government of Sir George Yeardley one cannot but wonder how 
any one can find any good in the brutal administration of Sir Thomas Dale. 
To approve his conduct is simply to say that tyranny is better than 
freedom and cruelty is better than mercy. Dale was a narrow, short- 
sighted man, and he opposed the culture of tobacco, which was to be 
the real foundation of the colony. Dale was praised by his masters 
in England and the poor colonists were abused and villified, and all 
to afford some excuse for an outrageous system of martial law. He 
accomplished little good in the colony beyond over-awing the Indians 
and keeping the coast of New England open to English settlement. 

Advanced American History. By E. S. Foreman, The Century Company, 
New York, 1914. 

While there are numerous good things about this book, we have in 
many places a repetition of the errors and prejudices that crowd the 
publications of Northern writers. The old exploded authority of Captain 
John Smith is cited to convict the Jamestown settlers of worthlessness, 
as if one 'could have shown a better proof of character than their willing- 
ness to 'lay down their lives. The New England settlers are lauded, 
though the conditions of their settlement did not compare for a moment 
with the hardships of the settlers on the James. 

The writer gives no clear idea of the movements leading to American 
Independence, and is sadly in error in identifying the town committees 
of Correspondence of Massachusetts with the much more important inter- 
colonial committees originated by Virginia. Samuel Adams organized 
the towns of Massachusetts, which were already organized under a 
government, but the Virginia Assembly organized a Union of colonies 
which were absolutely independent of one another and strangers to one 
another. There was really nothing in common between the two move- 
ments except similarity of name. 

William and Mary Quarterly 303 

In discussing the slavery question on page 377, Mr. Foreman shows 
in a marked degree his inability to rise above the usual Northern preju- 
dices. Our poor people are "poor whites," the poor people of the North 
including, I suppose, the rowdy occupants of the slums, are "sturdy work- 
men." Further on, Lincoln, who conducted the war against the South 
on principles of the war in the Palatinate and destroyed all semblance of 
liberty in the North, is held up for admiration, because of some kindly 
policy imputed to him about the South after the war. Lincoln had a way 
of saying ''catchy" things, but his actions were seldom in consonance 
with his words. What could the South have reasonably expected, after 
the war, of the man, who kept Stanton as his intimate councillor, and 
whose last act, like all his other acts, was in contradiction of all his fine 
words? Soon after the evacuation of Richmond, Lincoln was prevailed 
upon to permit a meeting of the Virginia Assembly, but hardly had the 
call gone forth than the order came from Washington denouncing punish- 
ment upon any of the legislators who showed their faces in Richmond. 
This is a fact well established, and it simply shows that Johnson did not 
take up the work of reconstruction "at the precise point where Lincoln 
had left it," as asserted by Air. Foreman on page 478. The truth is, 
Johnson was a much stronger and braver man than Lincoln, though both 
were men of course and unrefined feelings. 

An American History; Ginn and Company, Boston, New York, Chicago, 
London. By Nathaniel Wright Stephenson, Professor of History 
in the College of Charleston, South Carolina. 
The conception which Dr. Stephenson has of unity in American His- 
tory is the best thing about this work. We can never get a good idea 
of any historical question until all the events are arranged in order of 
cause and sequence and due importance given to the salient facts. To 
illustrate: The resolutions of Virginia in 1765 against the Stamp Act 
were undoubtedly the measure which inspired the real spirit of resistance, 
and, therefore, it ought to have the chief space in any well balanced 
account of .that important epoch. 

' Dr. S,tephenson writes : "As to our history subequent to 1783, the 
patriotic teacher should be a stranger to all its hatreds, while keenly a 
sympathizer with all its aspirations." But why after 1783? Why should 
not this attitude be borne to all history? All we care to know are the 
facts, but, the facts once known, the historian should have the courage to 
state his approval or condemnation, regardless of » whom he offends. 

What are the facts about the Whig Party? It is not true that they 
were "nationalists" from 1834 to 1841, whatever they may have been after 
that time. All the contemporary Whig newspapers and Whig addresses 
show the contrary. It is not true, that Tyler was "more a Democrat 
than Whig," unless the Whig name is to be ascribed merely to the New 
England part of the party, which is, of course, absurd. How could 

304 William and Mary Quarterly 

the position of the Whig Party be "perfectly understood," when in 1840 
"they made no official declaration of their principles"? As a matter of 
fact, the Whigs in 1834-1841 were the States rights party, and the 
nationalists were the Democrats led by the military dictator Andrew 
Jackson and his friends Martin Van Buren and the Albany regency, who 
afterwards went over to the Free Soilers and Republicans ! 

Then, one cannot but suspect that in dealing with Mr. Lincoln Dr. 
Stephenson's desire to avoid ^all hatreds" induces him to shut his eyes 
to the facts and to absolve Mr. Lincoln from all reasonable responsibility. 
Why in speaking of the Emancipation Proclamation does he avoid men- 
tioning "servile insurrection" as one of its chief objects? Judging from 
the past experience what other result could have been expected? The 
British Press denounced the proclamation especially on this ground, as 
Mr. Adams shows in his address at the University of South Carolina in 
1913. That the horrors of Hayti were not repeated in the South were 
certainly not due to the care of Mr. Lincoln. Why after becoming justly 
responsible for the deaths of thousands of Federal and Confederate pris- 
oners through his refusal to permit exchanges, and why after permitting 
and encouraging his generals to ravage the whole South with fire and 
sword, should Lincoln be held up as a particularly humane Christian? 
And why after the surrender at Appomattox should he be represented as 
a Southern champion, when his last public action was to denounce punish- 
ment against any of the Virginia legislators who would come to Rich- 
mond in pursuance of the permission granted by him not long before? 
Dr. Stephenson recites the overture made by Lincoln to his Cabinet 
in February, 1865, about paying to the South $400,000,000 for the slaves 
in condition of peace by April 1. If he meant it, why did he not insist 
upon it? But the Cabinet overruled him and he submitted. What other 
conclusion can be deduced from this than that he would have submittted 
again under similar opposition? Of all the absurd things in the world, 
the attempt to predict the actions of a dead man is the most absurd ! 

'Tis Sixty Years Since: An address of Charles Francis Adams, Founders 
'Day, January 16, 1913, University of South Carolina. 

This is a charming review of past events by one of the most scholarly 
men in the Union. There are many able men who have made addresses 
and written works which were lamentably weak, because they were not 
sure of their facts. There have been many others who were sure of 
their facts, but did not have the ability to grasp the meaning of their 
own mental possessions. Mr. Adams is always a success, because he is 
as careful as he is thoughtful. The noble frankness which distinguish 
his writings, his scholarly acquaintance with history, and his ability to 
apply what he knows, render everything coming from him most instructive 
and interesting. The bottom thought of Mr. Adams' present address is 

William and Mary Quarterly 305 

the potency of change. He confesses to great change in his own opinions 
as to the protective tariff, the negro question, and other important political 
and social problems, for which he frankly gives his reasons. There is 
inspiration in such a man, which is worthy of his noble inheritance of 

Lieutenant Joshua Hewes, a New England Pioneer and Some of His 
Descendants, and a Sketch of Joseph Hewes, the Signers. Edited 
and chiefly compiled by Eben Putman. Privately printed 1913. 

•This is a work of 602 pages in which Mr. Putnam, the veteran New 
England genealogist, exhausts the whole genealogical range of the Hewes 
family. To say that it is an excellent piece of'work is only stating what 
is true of all that Mr. Putnam writes on genealogy. 

Sidney Lanier at Rockingham Springs. By John Wayland, Ph. D. Roe- 
bash-Elkins Company, Dayton Va. 1912. 

This is a very attractive little volume, and contains a most interest- 
ing account of Rockingham Springs and its lovely neighborhood in con- 
nection with the poet Sidney Lanier. There in the summer of 1879 he 
wrote his "Science of English Verse." Dr. Wayland is to be congratu- 
lated on his dainty little volume. 



Abbott, 85, 125, 297. 

Abbs, 246. 

Abercrombie, 2, 10. 

Abercrumway, 238. 

Abingdon Parish Register, 140. 

Adams, 1, 21, 23, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 102, 

106, 119, 163, 178, 221, 227, 228, 

233, 302, 304. 
Adcocke, 87. 
Adison (Addison), 85, 142, 181, 221, 243, 

Adkins, 80, 245. 
Agnew, 126, 217. 
Albany Convention, 110. 
Alexander, 133, 179. 
Algood, 190. 
_ Allen, 118, 124, 125, 132, 194-197. 
Allowell, 246. 
All Saints Church, 65. 
Alvey, 67. 
Ambler, 118, 222. 
Anderson, 44, 45, 46, 115, 116, 119, 120, 

122, 124, 126. 127, 142, 170, 194, 

216, 273, 274, 275, 273, 301. 
Andrews, 55. 80. 
Anne, The, 52. 

Anthony, 126, 169, 173, 188, 234. 

Arbuckle, 234. 
Archer, 114. __ — 
Archer's Hope Creek, 74. 
Argall, 93. 
Arkistall, 78. 

Armistead, 46, 55, 64-67, 132. 
Arnold, 20, 196. 
Asbury, 145. 
Asher, 188. 
Ashton, 133, 185. 
Austin, 114, 120, 169. 
Autrey, 199, 205. 
Avery, 42. 
Aylmer, 65. 
Bacon, 75. 
-'Basby, 203. 
Bailey, 140, 211. 
Baker, 116, 219. 
Baldwin, 78, 200, 219, 227. 
Baldrey, 75. 
Balyes* 78. 
Ball. 135, 146, 187, 189, 266, 267, 268, 


j/ Banks, 297. 

Barber, 78, 238, 245, 246. 

Barbour, 49. 

Barker, 115, 116, 170, 194. 

Barnadoe, 94. 

Barnes, 61. 

Barnett, 81. 

Barraud, 219. 

Barret (Barrett), 169, 240, 279. 

Bartlett, 125. 

Barton, 298. 

Basie, 212, 214. 

Baskerville, 137. 

Bass, 33, 34, 35, 38, 125. 

Bassett, 45, 46, 47, 48, 82, 122, 127, 245, 

Bathurst, 44, 45. 
Batte, 32. 
Batten, 246. 

Battle, 197, 203, 204, 207. 
Baughan, 115. 
Baulke, 243. 
Baxter, 217. 
Bavlis, 172. 
Baylor, 54, 132. 
Baynard, 138. 
Baynham, 148. 
Beale, 192. 
Beaver, 188. 
Becker, 78. 
Beckham, 200. 
Beck ley, 133. 
Benches, 126. 
Bell, 79, 114, 240, 241. 
"Bellfield," 74. 
Beman, 42. 
/Bennett, 87, 217. 
rientlev, 188. 
Berkeley (Berklev), 75, 128, 169, 172, 

219, 239, 248-249. 
Bernard, 59. 
Berry (Bery), 41, 141. 
Besouth, 77, 79. 
Beverlev, 216, 270. 
Bibb, 78. - 
Bibbs, 172r- 
Bidkin, 116. 
Bijjupr. 67, 68. 

Bins. 169. : •• 

Bird, 200. 



Birth, 216. 

BLihop (Biahoppe), 42, 86. 

Black, 133. 

Blackay, 78. 

Blackstone, 246, 252. 

Biaekwell, 119, 122, 127. 

Blague, 40. 

Blair, 2, 4, 55, 142, 283, 284, 296. 

Bland, 4, 5, 15, 16, 18, 77, 101, 102, 251 

Bleaas, 77. 
Blenheim, 269. 
Blissland parish, 55. 
Blood, 188. 
Blunt, 126. 
Boatright, 121. 
Boger, 80, 238. 
Boiling, 44, 45, 131. 
Booth (Bouth), 77, 78, 79, 80, 82, 86 

216, 236. 238, 240. 
Boston, 188. 
Boswell, 278. 
Bounds, 211. 
Bourne, 78. 
Bowen, 42. 
Bowie, 299-300. 

Bowles, 116, 118, 120, 123, 126, 271. 
Boyd, 211. 
Boya, 31. 
Boyse, 241. 
Bozeley, 188. 
Braddock, 70. 
Bradford, 40, 170. 
Branch (Branczj, 65, 169. 
Brand, 114. 
Brandon, 253. 
Braxton, 218. 
Bray, 132. 

Breckenridge, 137, 206. 
Brewster, 119. 
Briars, 271. 
Brickhouse, 42. 
Bridges, 80. 
Bridgewater, 127. 
Bright, 297. 
Briscoe, 53. 
Broad lev, 249. 
Brocas/77, 78, 81, 84, 85, 87, 88, 235, | 

236, 238. 
i>rock, 239, 242 243. 
Brockwell, 77. 
Brooke (Brook), 67. 84, 136, 216, 240, 

244, 245, 264, 269. 
Brookes, 236. i 

Broughton, 233, 239, 240. 
Brown (Browne), 66, 85, 87, 90, 91, 93, 

97, 119, 121, 161, 166, 173, 181, 188, 

201, 262, 298. 

Bruce, 39, 143, 175, 249. 

Brutcra Churchyard, 140. 

Bruton Parish, 76. 

Bryan, 265. 

Bryera, 125. 

Buckingham, 166, 167. 

Buckland, 64, 85, 86. 

Bucks, 42. 

Bumpass (Bumpers), 117, 123, 169. 

Bunn, 203, 207. 

Buonaparte, 351. 

Burch, 55. 

Burford, 142. 

Burgoyne, 178. 

Burhery iBurborough), 215. 

Burke, 175, 188. 

Burnhara, 78, 81, 84, 85, 244, 248. 

Burnley, 49 

Burnett (Burnet), 121, 122, 125, 173. 

Burton, 118, 122. 196. 

Burwell, 4, 47, 48, 75, 87, 101. 

Bushrod (Bushrode), 82. 

Butler, 71, 114, 127, 169, 217. 

Byars (Byers), 119, 12-i. 

Bvnum, 37. 

Bvrd, 137. 

B*yron, 248-249. 

Cabanis. 297. 

Cabell, 250. 

Caldwell, 137 

Calthropp. 81, 181, 246. 

Calvin, 188. 

Camni, 8. 

Camp, 140. 

Cape Henry, 54. 

Campbell, 51, 201. 

Carleton, 160. 

Carneal, 26. 

Carpenter, 300. 

Carr, 100, 101, 102, 231. 

Carraway, 140. 

Carson, 122. 

Carter, 4, 5, 15. 16, 101, 117. 123, 125, 

136, 145, 171, 198, 204, 20S, 212, 

256, 269. 
Cary. 15, 53. 54, 58, 63, 101, 102, 218, 

273, 274, 275. 
Cassety, 123. 
Catlett, 202. 206, 300. 
Catlin, 41. 
Cato. 3b, 37. 
Cawthorn, 120. 
Caynehood, 238, 241, 242. 
Ceeley, 246. 
Chamberlin. 97. 
Chambers, 190. 195. 
Chancellor, Lord, 17. 
Channing, 97, 162. 


Chapman, 80, 121, 122, 127, 129, 278, 

Charles River County, 76. 
Charlesworth, 134. 
Charleton, 42, 53. - - 

Charleston College, 220. 
Chatham, Lord, 17. 
Chastellux, 223. 
Cheatham, 183. 
Chew, 76, 77, 88, 242, 247. 
Chicheley, Sir Henry, 76, 277. 
Childers, 128. 
Childress, 118. 
Chilicothe, 20, 21, 28. 
Chiskiack (Cheeskiaek, Kiskyacke), 44, 

73, 74, 76, 78, 79, 87, 238, 239, 247. 
Chinn, 187. 

Chisman, 77, 82, 88, 238, 244, 245, 246. 
Chiswell, 59. 
Christian, 115, 224, 243. 
Christmas, 243. 
Churchill, 45, 46, 47, 274. 
Churchman, 208. 
Ciaiborne, "73, 74, 137, 300. 
Claiborne Hall, 127. 
Clarke (Clark). 29, 30, 38, 116, 118, 119, 

123, 142, 172, 235, 236, 246. 
Claxon, 240. 
Clay, 129, 130, 103. 
Clendenen, 230, 231. 
Clerke, 82. 

"CIeve," 136. 145, 256. 
Cleverius, 247. 
"Clifton." 298. 
Cline, 179. 

Clough, 118, 123, 128, 196. 
Cobb, 40. 
Cobbs, 121, 171. 
Cochran, 125. 

Cocke, 32, 34, 37, 132, 170. 
Codd, 82. 
Coe, 41. 
Coke, 145, 278. 
Cole, 62-64: 
Coleman. 22, 23, 25, 26, 28, 29, 61, 196, 

250. 29*. 
Coles, 171. 
Collev, 171. 

Collins, 1. 109, 111, 112, 118.. 
Combs, 188. 
Compton. 245, 284. 
Condon, 7b. 
Congden, 79. 172. 
L'oningham. 126. 
Conwav. 266. 270. 

Cook ("Cooke), 37, 52, 115, 122, 181. 
Cooper, 219. 
Copes, 40. 

Corbin, 54, 142. 
Corker, 236, 239. 
Cornwallis, 68, 70, 75, 82. 
Cosby, 119, 169, 278, 279. 
Coste, 67, 68. 
Cotton, 41, 75. 
Coupland, 47. 

Coutanceau Family, 271-272. 
Coven ton, 40. 
Covington, 271. 
Cowles, 131. 
Cowling, 217. 
Coxe, 239. 
Crabb, 181. 
Craghead, 125. 
Craig, 47, 217. 
Craven, 249. 
Crawford, 205, 229, 278. 
Crenshaw, 114, 118, 174. 
Crew, 70, 141, 170. 
Croghan, 22. 
Crook r 182-191. 
iCroshaw, 87 241, 243. 
Cross, 116, 117, 120, 122, 172, 173, 
Crow, 40, 42. 
dime, 78. 
Custis, 54. 
Cushing, 106. 

Dabney, 67, 121, 125, 128, 170. 
Daingerfield, 216. 
Dale, 73, 83, 302. 
-Dameron. 212. 214, 215. 
Dancey, 33, 35, 38. 
Dandridge, 54, 300. 
Danford, 42. 
Daniel, 48, 50. 180, 187, 194, 196, 

198, 199, 202. 
Darcy, 42. 
Darke, 70. 

Darricott, 115, 117, 126. 
Davenport, o. 115, 213, 214, 218. 
Davidson, 200. 
Davies, 37. 
Davis, 35, 36, 42. 47. 67, 116, 124, 

179, 183, 186, 230. 235, 245, 

Dawson (Dauson), 32. 38, 44. 45, 46 

48. 50. 51, 52, 182-191, 199, 205, 
Deacon, 82, 239, 244. 
Dean, 137. 
Degges (Digges), 4. 18, 74. 101, 

103. 121, 141, 165. 
Dejarnette, 122. 
Delaware. Lord, 73. 
D.lony. 196. 
Denbigh, 73. 
Deneufville, 117. 
Denton, 35. , 







Dennett, 238, 245, 246. 

Eichelberger, 200. 

Dennis, 42, 187. 

Eliott, 65. 

Depriest, 174. 

Elkihs, 305. 

Dickinson, 62-64, 99, 172, 174. 

Ellett, 124. 

I Dickson, 60. 

Ellis, 115, 173. 

Digges, 4, 18, 77, 101, 102, 103, 121, 141, 

Elphisiston, 69. 


Elrighton, 240. 

Dillard, 297. 

"Eltham," 45, 46, 47, 49, 12?. 

Diaguid, 122. 

Eltonhead, 142, 270. 

^Dinwiddie, 2, 3, 5, 7. 

Ely, 87. 

DitcMeld, 181. 

Emory, 55, 57. 

Dixon, 54. 

Emporia, 31. 

Dobba, 244. 
Dodson, 210. 

Emlen, 158. 

England, 172. 

Dcddington, 256. 

English, 76, 244. 

1 Dogden, 80. 
| Dolby, 172. 

Eppes, 131. 

Erevans, 42. 

\ Donaid, 127. 

Etham, 129. 

Donally, 232. 

Evans, 127, 133, 188. 

Doremus, 299. 

Everett, 141. 

Dorland, 134. 

Ewell, 187^_ 

Doswell, 128. 

Fairchild, 181. 

Doughty, 43 

Fanning, 33. 

Douglass, 70. 

Farmer, 119. 

Dowdy, 246. 

Farrar, 120. 

Downes, 42, 87. 

Ferguson, 186. 

Draper, 212. 

Ferrar, 162, 163. 

Drewe, 86. 

Fauntleroy, 212. 

Drummond, 75. 
Drury, 44. 

Pauquier, Gov., 10. 

ffausett, 42. 

Da Bellet, 299. 

Felgate (ffelgate), 74, 76, 244, 245. 

Dudley, 54, 246. 

ffenn, 42. 

Dugen, 153. 

fford, 79, 80, 246. 

Duke, 123. 

floxeroft, 42. 

Dunaway, 212. 

ffoxe, 246. 

Dunbar," 60. 

ffreman, 42. 

Dunmore, Lord, 232, 232, 258. 

ffvbrass, 42. 

Dunstan, 42. 

Field, 196. 

Durrett, 51. 

Fielding, 215. 

Dupark, 42. 

Filson Club Publications, 129. 

Duvall, 127. 

Finch, 54, 58. 

Dye, 42. * 

Finley, 135. 

JLanes. 240. 

Fisher, 32, 33, 36, 37, 134. 

Earlsfleld. 181. 

Fitzhugh. 136. 

Eastham, 277. 

Fitz William, 54. 53. 

East India Co.. 91, 94. 

Fleet. 115, 118, 123. 214. 

Eaton, 50, 53, 198, 240. 

Fleming, 15, 269, 274. 

Ecristall, 42. 

Flippen, 128. » 

Eden, 48. 

Floyd, 30-31. 

Edenton, 48. 

Fontaine, 54, 58, 117, 121, 127, 128, 142 

Edloe, 58. 


Edmondson, 64. 

Ford. 59, 194. 

Edmundson, 63, 216. 

Foreman, 302, 303. 

Edwards. 40, 297. 

Forsythe, 126, 128. 

Edzard, 54. 

Foster, 46, 114. 

Effingham, 283. 

Foote. 185. 193. 

Egan, 217. 

Fouace, 296 

Eggleston, 122. j 

Foxworthy, 188. 



Francis, 57, 58. 

Frankfort, 20, 27. 

Franklin, 106, 297. 

Frazier (Frazer), 116. 

Frederick Hall, 63. 

Freeman, 50, 59, 197, 300. 

French Ordinary, 75. 

Frogg, 229, 300. 

Frothingham, 103. 

Fry, 49, 254. 

Fuller, 254. 

Fullertoiu 153. 

Gage, 104. 

Gamble, 21, 23, 24, 28. 

Gardner, 116. 

Garland, 114, 115, 117. 

Garrard, 26o. 
.Garrell, 42. 
/Garrett, 278. 
Gaskins, 212. 

Cfo#pee y The, 104. 
Gauntlett, 87. 
Gay, 80. 
Gentry, 114. 
Georges, 161, 166. 
Gerard, 77. 

German Protestants, 56, 57. 
Geylde, 52. 

Gibson, 115, 217, 238 239, 240, 245. 
GifTord, 277, 278, 279. 
GUI, 79, 214, 239. 
Gillespie, 136. 
Gilley,' 42. 
Gilliam, 118, 123. 
Gilmer, 278. 
Ginn, 85, 303. 
Glass, 126. 

Glasscock. 184, 185, 187. 
Glazebrook, 116. 
Glinn, 116, 118. 
Gloucester County, 76. 
Godaken, 42. 
Godwin, 217. 
■'Gooch, 54, 75, 115. 
Goodall, 115, 172. 
Goodman, 115, 121. 
Goodrich, 214, 215, 216. 
Goodwin, 128, 134. 
Goodwyn, 31, 216. 
Googins (Gookin), 244. 
Goote, 213. 

Gordon. 44. 1*7. 199, 202, 248, 273. 
Gorges, 167, 168. 
Gorthan, 42. 
Gouldman. 59. 
Graeme, 56. 
Graham. 173. 
Granger, 41. 

Grant, 124, 249. 
Grantland, 122. 
Graves, 169. 
Gray, 42, 191, 297. 
^Grayson, 187. 
Green, 3, 80, 115, 116, 117, 140, 176, 2CH 

Greenhill, 58, 158. 
Greenhow, 201. 
Greensville County, 31-39. 
Green way, 193. 
Greer, 191. 

Gregory, 50, 77, 137, 242. 
Griffin, 125, 142. 
Grisgaby, 229, 300. 
Grigg, 37. 
Griggs, -82. 

Grimes, 115, 116, 118. 
Grubbs, 116. 
Grundy, 79, 246. 
Gryraes, 4, 46, 49, 51, 54. 
Guildhall, 68. 
Gunter, 169. 
Gupton, 203, 207. 
Guse, 149. 
Gwinn (Gwin), 85, 142, 242, 244, 24; 

Gwyther, 272. 
Gybson, 78. 
Hack, 272. 
Haden, 120, 127. - 
Haeger, 57. " 
Haley, 141. 

Hall, 79. 127, 134-139, 145-159, 265-26! 
Ham, 77. 

Hamilton, 35, 36, 171, 300. 
Hamlin, 78. 
Hammond, 76. 
Hampton, 78, 188. 

Hampton Parish, 76, 85, 88, 237, 241. 
Hancock, 221. 
Handy, 300. 
Hanes (Haynes), 116, 117, 124, 126, 127 

Hanover County, 114-131. 
Hansford, 219, 241. 
Hanmore, 82, 87. 
Hanover Parish, 54. 
Hardaway, 44, 131, 133. 
Harden, 119, 123. 
Hardin, 189. 

Hardwick (Hardidge), 182-191. 
Hardyman. 132. 133. 
Hargrove, 38, 117, 173. 
Harleson, 80. 
Farman^on. 40. 
hanger. 77. 78, 79. 
Harmon. 232. 



Harrop Parish, 76. 

Harper's Ferry, 262. 

Harris, 38, 118, 119, 128, 169, 246. 

Harrison, 15, 20, 36, 38, 42, 46, 47, 50, 

64, 65, 101, 102, 119, 135, 178, 239, 

243, 298. 
Harrow, 249. 
Hart, 118, 119, 170. 
Harter, 41. 
Hartwell 8/, 246. 
Harvey, 2, ta, 74, 75, 76, 135, 241. 
Harvie, 114. 
Harwood, 58, 87, 192. 
Hatton, 272. 
Haverstick, 201. 
Hawes, 125, 171, 172. 
Hawkins, .120, 126, 127, 246. 
Hawley, 82. 
Bay, 51, 200. 

Hayden, 179, 186, 187, 266, 297. 
Hayden, Virginia Genealogies, 65, 179, 

186 187, 266, 267. 
Hayes, 42, 120, 173. 
Hay ley, 271. 
Haynard, 274. 

Haynes, 126, 127, 169. (See Hanes.) 
Hazlegrove, 116, 121, 173. 
Hazlewood, 270. 
Heath, 106, 211, 213, 215, 245. 
Hedges, 31, 36. 
Henderson. 39, 40, 120, 121. 
Hendrick, 119, 169. 
Hening, 4, 217, 279, 297. 
Henrico Parish, 273. 
Henry, 4, 8, 9, 15, 16, 99, 100, 101, 102, 

103, 107, 108, 110, 114, 119, 136, 

137, 142, 223, 226, 250-257. 
Henson, 119. 
Herst, 30. 
"Hesse," 64. 
Hewes, 42, 305. 
Hewlett, U6, 121. 
Hickison, 42. 

Hickman, 54, 56, 57, 58, 189. 
Hicks, 31, 33, 116, 12o, m, 172, 199. 
Hicks' Ford, 31. 
Hickslip, 120. 
Hide, 80. 
Higbee, 189, 190. 
Higginson, 21, 211, 235, 236. 241. 
Hill. 50, 67, 116, 117, 119. 121, 133, 

196, 198, 201, 210, 212. 
Hinchev, 115. 
Hinde,*80. 174. 
Hinman. 40, 41. 
Hinton. 214. 
Bile, 51, 12 1. 200. 
Hix, 116, 117, 172. 

Hobday, 217. 
Hobson, 211. 
Hockaday, 77, 78, 84. 
Hooe, 217. 
Hoes, 216. 
Hogan, 122. 
Hoge, 193. 
Hogg, 121. " 

Holcomb, 120. . ^ 

Holladay (Holliday), 121, 217. 
Holland, 119, 124. 
Hollybranch, 212. 
Hollier, 55. 
Holmes, 61. 
Holt, 61, 70. 
Honynian, 119. 
Holmstead, 173. 
Honeywood, 76. s. 

Holloway, 54, 59. \ 

Holly Grove, 199. 
Hope, 120. 
Hood, 120. 
Hooker, 120. 

Hooper, 115, 116, 117, 119, 120, 121, 124 
Hopkins, 83, 84, 188, 236, 237. 
Hord, 175, 181, 249. 
Horsley, 128. 
House, 35, 37. 

Houston (Huston), 276-277. 
Howard, 1, 119, 121. 
Howe, 178. 
Howson, 211. 
Hubbard, 137, 
Huckster, 124. 
Hudson, 42, 129, 278. 
'/Hughes, 115, 116, 117, 118, 171. 
Humfres, 171. 
Humph rev,' 68, 120. 
Hundley,"ll5, 118, 120. 
Hungars Parish, 39-43. 
Hunt, 135, 138, 139, 193, 265, 266. 
Hunter, 21, 71, 120. 
Hutchinson, 233, 278, 279. 
Hyde, 272. 
Ihrie, 191. 
"Indian Field," 74. 
Ingram, 114. • 

Innes, 20. 
Iredell. 48, 50. 
Ireland, 87. 
Ishara, 142, 273. 
Ishonn, 42. 
Jackson. 30. 31. 77, 78, 122, 175, 188 

204. 231. 234. 
Jacob, 41, 

James, 41, 80. 115, 118, 170. 
James, Tkc, 62. 
Jamestown, 60, 63, 73, 74, 75, 302. 


Jamis, 42. 

Jefferson, 16, 18, 100, 101, 102, 107, 155, 
194 196, 228, 251, 256. 

Je&eryes (JefTreyes), 78, 237. 

Jennings, 129. 

Jerdone, 70. 

Jessup, 30. 
vJeter, 37. 

Jett, 175. 

Jewell, 189, 190. 
yJbhns, 123. 
/Johnson, 39, 41, 54, 71, 72, 77, 78, 90, 91, 
[ 92, 97, 121, 122,_127, 128, 143, 160, 

V 162, 164, 165, 277-279, 303. 

NJohnston, 44, 45, 46, 131, 170, 174, 271, 

Johnstone, 46, 48, 50. 

Jollie, 199, 205. 

Jolly, 238. 

Jones, 48, 54, 121, 122, 127, 169, 170, 
198, 215, 216, 225, 272, 276-277, 279, 

Jonson, 95. 

Jordan, 54, 136, 217, 267. 

Joyce, 119. 

Joyner, 197, 20:"?. 

Keach, 209 (printed "Heath" by mis- 

Keaton (Keton), 84, 240. 

Kechine, 42. 

Kecoughtan, 73. 

Keith, 46, 47, 50, 64, 182. 

Kelley, 190. 

Keeling, 122. 

Kendriek's Ordinary, 114. 

Kennedy, 18, 19, 69, 99, 101, 103 104, 
103, 138, 272. 

Kenner, 215. 

Kent Island, 74. 

Kerby, 140. 

Keridge, 95. 

Kersey, 123. 

Kincheloe, 182-191. 

Kineer, 124. 

King, 80, 115, 116, 118, 119, 121, 122, 
124, 127, 128, 172, 217. 

Kingsbury, 89, 92, 93, 97, 163, 164, 165. 

Kingsmill, 75. 

Kingston Parish, 66. 

Kirk Deighton, 64. 

Kni-ht, 42. 123, 242. 

Kymball, 55. 

Lacy, 124. 

Lamb, 6, 196, 226. 

Lamberton, 42. 

Lambeth. 123, 125. 

Lanjrhorn. 194. 

Lain, 124. 

Lane, 126, 188, 211, 226. 

Lanier, 305. 

Latham, 300. 

Laud, 180. 

Lawrence, 34, 39, 43, 123. 

Lawson, 123, 182-191. 

Lear, 62. 

Lecompt, 191. 

Legrand, 194. 

Leidy, 206, 208. 

Lee, 1, 15, 16, 18, 99, 100^101, 102, 107, 

189, 190, 215, 237, 242, 244, 245, 

246, 251, 252, 256. 
Leech, 135. 

Lemay, 123, 124, 128, 170. 
Leigh, 79. 

Leigh's Reports, 47. 
Lewellen, 34. 
Lewis, 80, 123, 137, 203, 207, 229, 230, 

231, 23*, 234, 238, 241, 246, 277, 300. 
Lexington, 25, 28. 
Liberty, The, 177. 
Liberty Hall, 2D. 
Light, 52, 244. 
Lilly, 245, 246. 
Lilliston, 43. 
Lincoln, 71, 72, 143, 164, 227, 261, 303, 

Lindsay, 142, 202. 
Lingoe, 42. 

Lipscomb, 115, 118, 122, 123. 
Lister, 86. - 

Littlepage, 117, 120, 122, 124, 127, 170, 

Littleton, 53. 
Livingston, 68-69. 
Lockhart, 198, 204. 
London, 200. 
Logan, 115, 263. 
Lomax, 142. 

Long, 46, 47, 48, 49, 50, '80, 198. 
Lower Brandon, 298. 
Lower Pariah of Nansemond, 217. 
Lowther 48, 50, 199 205. 
Lucas, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38. 78. - 
Luck. 123. 

Luddington, 42. , 

Ludlow (Ludlowe), 53, 75, 81, 88, 235, 

236, 237, 242, 243. 
Ludwell. 2, 201. 
Lujrge, 210. 
Lumpkin. 120, 169. 
Lunan, 217. 
Lundv, 188. 
Lun^ford. 53, 76, 142. 
Link, 190. 
Lvle. 28. 
Lynn, 229. 


Lyasey, 78. 

Mabry, 32, 36, 37. 

Mackenzie, 35. 

Maclin, 32, 33, 38. ~ 

Macon, 125, 126, 198. 

Madderson, 172. 

Madison, 22, 23, 24, 25, 28, 29, 49, 82, 

£56, -j 7, 297, 300. 
Magruder 139, 201. 
Mah&n, 190. 
Major, 42, 77, 78. 
Mallory, 125, 128, 172, 174. 
JMalone, 32, 33. 

Mann, 32, 3i, 34, 125. 

Manning, 204, 207. 

Man low, 42. 

Mansfield, 126. 

Manson, 169. 

Mapp, 39. 

Marck, 122. 

March, 140. 

Marks, 125, 278. 

Mar Lin, 229, 230, 231. 

Marnix, 140-141. 

Marsh, 213. 

Marshall, 58, 217, 218, 263. 

Marchial (Martiall), 39, 41. 

Marston Parish, 76. 

Martain, 121. 

Martain (Martien), 74, 75, 76, 77, 84, 

85, 87, 242, 244. 
Martin, 214, 244. 
Martin's Hundred, 73, 87. 
Massey, 213. 
Massie, 126, 216. 
Mason, 32, 33 34, 35, 36, 3i, 38, 123, 

126, 216, 256. 
Matthews (Mathews), 40, 73, 81, 126. 
**» 183. 

Maury, 49, 51 , 200, 201, 205. 
Maynard, 55. 
Mayo, 121. 
Mays, 116. 
McAllister. 177. 
McCabe, 227, 228. 
McCarty, 82, 182-191. 
McClenachan, 231. 232. 
McCook. 126. 
McConathy, 182-191. 
McCormick, 126. 
McConnetl. 153. 
McDougle, 122, 127. 
McKenzie, 217. 
McKinne, 48. 49. 
McMurtry, 190. 
McN'ier, 201. 
McEe€, 48. 

Mead (Meade), 116, 126, 131, 187, 200 

Mecarrell, 42. 

Meeu, 126, 127. 

Meeks, 124, 125. 

Meherrin Parish, 37, 38. 

Melcomb, 256. 

Menefie (Minifie), 79, 85, 80. 

Meredith, 119, 121, 122, 126, 127. 

Meriwether, 127, 171, 278. 

Messner, 219. ^ 

Meux, 127. 

Miami Indiana, 70. 

Michie, 278. 

Micou, 142. 

Middle Plantaiion Parish, 76. 

Middletown Parish, 76. 

Mihill, 81. 

Miller, 1, 69, 99, 177. 

Mills, 122, 127, 128. 

Minifie (see Menifie). / 

Minitree, 70. / 

f Minor, 119, 128, 169, 170, 301. / 

Mitchell, 128, 241, 246, 278. • 

Mollson, 77. 

Montague, 3, 5, 6, 10, 12, 14, 16, 17, 18, 
19, 100. 

Monroe, 20, 269. 
'Mont joy, 96. 

Moreland, 189. 

Moore (More), 42, 49. 51, 66, 69, 75, 80, 

127, 128, 202, 203, 207, 217. 
Moorman, 141. 

Morgan, 73, 77, 84, 235, 248. 
Morris, 25, 26, 27, 32, 117, 120, 135, 133, 

148, 169, 188. 
Morrison, 193, 249. 
Morrson, 2, 53. 
Moseley, 216, 271. 
Moss, 299. 

Mottrom, 2i0, 243, 244, 271. 
Mulberry Island, 59. 
Munday, 216, 246. 
Mundel, 54. 
Munford, 140. 

Murdock. 35, 182. 183. 184, 188, 189. 
Murray, 69, 70, 117, 194. , 

Muscoe, 69. 

Mu=eow Company, 93. 
My IK 181. 
Vapoleon. 146. 
Nash, 120. 
Nashville, 20, 24. 
N'eale (Neall), 209, 210, 212. 
Nebulian, 40. 42. 
Needier, 58, 59. 
! Nelson. 4. 5, 10. 113. 119, 122, 128, 145, 
I ' - 158, 109, 169, 170. 


Newcy, 54. 

"Newl&nds," 270. 

New Poquoson, 79, 82* 

Newsome, 50, 199. 

Nice, ^58, 159. 

Nichols, 196. 

Nicholas, 4, 13, 18, 101, 102, 103, 

256, 258. 
Nicholson, 192, 283. 
Noell, 169. 
Norfleet, 217. 
North, 80. 
Northcutt, 185. 
Norton, 105, 141, 169. 
Norwood, 53. 
Newell, 117. 
Norvell, 169. 
Nutt, 213, 214, 215. 
Obin, 39. 

Old Octagon House, 142. 
Oldham, 188, 213. 
"Old Kent of Maryland," 219. 
Old Menokin Manor, 142. 
Oliver, 169, 170, 173. 
Oresr, 184. 
Orr, 216. 

Osgood, 89, 91, 92, 93, 167. 
Overstreet, 169. 
Overton, ? 7 9. 
Owen, 77 v /8. 

Overwhartoa Parish, 185, 300. 
Pace, 39u 
Page, 11, 37, 57, 80, 116, 123, 128, 

Paine, 187. 
Paisley, 116, 117, 171. 
Palmer, 272. 
Panton (Penton), 77. 
Parish, 70. 
Parks, 35, 56, 281. 
Parker, 125. 
Parkhurst, 78. 
Park, 35, 114. 
Parry, 134, 145. 
Partlow, 190. 
Parsons, 44, 171. 
Pasteur, 45, 46, 47. 
Pate, 172, 173, 190. 
Patteson, 216. 

Payne, 69-70. 80, 142. 169, lil. 
Peace, 122, 127, 171. 
Pead, 66, 77, 246. 
Pearson, 171. 
Peirce, 77. • 
Peebles, 34. 
Peete, 32, 33. 
Pelham, 33, 37. 



Pembroke, 97. 

Pendleton, 15, 16, 101, 102, fcul, 255, 

256, 299-300. 
"Peninsula, The," 73. 
Penn, 134. 
Penny, 117, 171. 
Penntry (Pantry), 246. 
Penrise, 78. 

Pepper (Peper), 40, 242. 
Percivall, 79, 242, 243, 244. 
Perkins, 172. y 
Perry, 20. / 

Person, 32. 38. 
Peterson, 38. 

Pettus (Petters), 171, 239. 
/Peyton,- 31, 178. 
V Phillips, 20, 115, 173 252. 
Pickett, 170. 
Pierce, 118, 123; 205/ 
Pine, 34. 
Pitt, 5, 12, 42. 
Pittsburg 28, 29. 
Pittman, 212. 
Pharr, 69. 

Plant-Cutters Rebellion, 249. 
Plater, 142, 218. 
Pleasants, 118, 134, 146, 265. 
Plowden, 85, 86, 87. 
Plunkett 78. 
Poindexter, 278. 
"Point Comfort," 54, 56. 
Pole, 55, 56, 57. 

Polk, 51, 57, 201. / 

Pollard. 124, 125, 171, 217, 218. J 
Poole, 243. 
Pom fret, 172. 

Pope, 30, 115, 128, 185, 209-216. 
Popes, 30. 

"Porte Crayon," 277. 
Pott, 74. 

Poweil, 33, 35, 41, 42. 177, 179, 191. 
Power, 241. 
Powers, 279. 
Poynter, 42. 
Poythress, 88. 
Pratt, 80. 
Preatte, 205. 

Presley, 142, 209, 210, 211, 271. 
Preston, 276. 
Prettyman, 52. 
Price. 41. 53, 55, 81, 86, 172, 176, 217, 

218, 244. 
Priddr <Preddy), 115, lib, 118, 123, 

Pring, 95. 
PTitchett, 37, 33. 

Pryor, 62, 64. 66, 76, 77, 232, 240. 
Puckette, 196. 



Pugh, 217. 

Putnam, 305. 

Quarto, 126, 137. 

Queen's Creek, 74, 76, 78, 87, 245. 

Quintan, 172. 

Ragland, 115, 116, 121, 122, 172, 173. 

Raleigh, 96. 

Raleigh lavern, 100, 101, 108. 

Randall, 120, 173, 188. 

Randolph, 2, 3, 4, 5, 15, 16, 18, 44, 45, 

54, 57, 5a 50, 61. 70, .01, 102, 103, 

131, 139, 142, 223, 251, 255, 273, 

274, 298. 
Ransome, 33. 

Ratciiffe (RatlLffe), 40, 141. 
Rea, 191. 
^Reade, 67, 75. J 
Redd, 173. j 
Reed, 191. i 
Redding, 33. 
Reddock, 173. 
Revell, 238. 
Reynier, 41. 

Reynolds, 42, 78, 80, U5. 
Rich, 160, 161, 163, 16o. lo<. 
Rich, Sir Robert, 94, bo, 96, 97, 98, 163, 

Richards, 51. 
Richardson, 32, 34, 35, 38, 117, 120, 173, 

xi4, 15?. 
Richmond, 24, 29, 51, lit. 
Riddick, 173, 217. 
Ridgeley 208. 
Riddley, 81. 
Rigsby, 79. 

Ritchie, Thomas, Life of, 222. 
Rittenhouse, 298. 
Ritson, 120. 
Rivers, 36. 
Roahds, 80. 
Robertson, 31, 39, 58. 
Robinson, 4, 5, 16, 30, 36, 37, 38, 39, 41, 

54, 114, ,214, 219, 230, 238, 251. 
Rochambeau, 68. 
"Rock Spring," 68. 
Roe, 91, 16*', 165. 
Roebash, 305. 
Rogers, 33, 42, 52, 209. 
Koo'tes, 69. 
Roper, 127. 

Roscow, 55, 62-J4. y 

Rosser, 34. 
Roult. 214. 
Row. 119. 124, 279. 
Rowe. 273. 279. 
Rowland, 116, 122, 124, 140. 
Rowlston. 74, 76, 78 
Roxburv 268. 

Roy, 142. 

Ruffin, 258-263, 297. 

Rush, 13., 136, 137, 139, 146, 148, 150, 

153, 156, 266, 267. 
Russell, 41, 210. 
Rutter, 134, 135. 
Rutherford, 169. 
Ryding, 42. 
Ryland, 128, 173. 
Saker (backer), 79, 80, 81. 
Sadler, 205. 
Sallis, 241. 
Sanders, 41. 
Sanderson, 80. 
Sandridge, 63. 
Sands, 290. 
Sandy, 188. 
Sandys, 2, 90, 91, 92, 93, 95, 161, 162 r 

163, 164, 165, 166, 167, 168, 27*. 
Sapony Indians, 55. 
Satterwhite, 67, 1<0. 
Saunders, 28. 
Saunderson, 80. 
Savage, 42, 142, 217, 218. 
Sawyer, 48, 50, 77, 199, 246. 
Sayle, 87. 
Scarlett, 238. 
Scarnafizzi, 96. 
Schermerhorn. 297. 
Schlichter, 203, 206. 
Scott, 137, 133. 
Schreever, 213. 
Scrogin, 137. 
Scull, 150. 
Sea, 230. 
Seabrook, 119. 
Seawel* 82. 
Selby, 40. 
Semple, 26. 27. 
Sessoras, 297. 
Shackelford, 59. 
Shafner, 190. 
Sharp, 148. 
Sharpe, 180. 
Shaw, 85. 
Shehorn, 33. 
Sheild, 81. 
Shelborne. Lord, 17. 
Shelby 20. 
Shelley, 246. 
>Shelton, 63. 114. 122. 
Shcphard, 245. 
Sheridan, 71, 72. 
Sherman, 71, 213. 
Sherwood, 124. 
Shields, 123. 
Shirley. 116, 269. 
Sidnor, 214. 



Silvester, 213. 

Sills, 33. 

Simon, 130. 

Sims, 114, 127. 

Simson, 52, 69, 269. 

Skene,. 68. 

Skimeno Creek 76. 

Skinner, 48, 51, 199, 200. 

Skipwith, 253. 

Slaughter, 171, 176, 196, 299. 

Smaicombe, 238, 239, 247. 

Smith, 2, 37, 41, 42, 47, 48. 61, 75, 80, 

82, 90, 114, 115, 119, 132, 162, 179, 

186, 190, 197, 200, 204, 2lo, 245, 

247, 276-277, 299, 302. 
Smither, 213. 
Smoote, S2. 
Smvthe. 90, 91, 92, 93, 96, 97, 160, 161, 

162, 164, 165, 166, 167, 168, 181. 
Snead, 123. 
Sniel, 229, 230. 
Somerville, 201, 206. 
Sorrell, 216. 

Southall, 25, 129, 169, 297. 
Southell, 65. 

South Farnham Parish, 66, 271. 
Southworth, 122, 124. 
Spark, 70. 
Speight, 204," 207. 
Spencer, 119. 
Spindy, 40. 

Spotswood, 56, 75, 297. 
Spratling, 41. 
Squires, 185. 
Stafford, 247. 
Stagg, 68. 
Stamp Act, 110. 
Standard Family, 4, 268-270. 
Standley, 169. 
Stanley, 118, 119, 120, 128. 
Stannix, 231. 
Stanton, 69, 71, 303. 
Staples, 134* 
Starke (Stark), 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 38, 

115, 170, 173. 
Stegge, 86. 
Steele, 190, 203, 207. 
Stephenson, 89, 160, 303, 304. 
Stevens. 53, 71, 72, 142, 143. 
Stevenson, 190. 
Stewart. 38. 
Stith. 36, 44-51, 60, 131-133, 197-209, 218, 

273 275. 
Stokes (Stookes), 216, 242, 246. 
Stone, 126. 
Stott, 40. 
Stratton, 42. 
Stratton Major Parish, 69. 

Street, 124. 
Stringfellow, 136. 
Strother, 276-277, 300. 
Stroud, 131. 
<£?f"Stuart, 132, 137, 229-235. 
Stubbs, 225. 
Studdiford, 158. 
Sturgis, 42. 

Sturman, 185. \ 

Sumner, 217 \ 

Suthal (Suttrell), 124. 
Sutton, 181. 
ISwaine, 181. 
Swann, 297. - 
Swarthmore College, 220. 
Sweeney, 218. 

St. Andrew's Parish, 35, 37, 38. 
St. James Northam Parish, 62, 63. 
St. John Parish, 127. 
St. Mark's Parish, 61, 176, 277, 299. 
St. Martin's in the Held, 240. 
St. Martin's Parish, 118, 120, 125, 125, 

128, 172, 174. 
St. Paul's Parish, 114, 115, 116, 117, 118, 

119, 120, 121, 122, 123, 125, 127, 
130, 169, 171, 172, 173, 174. 

St. Peter's Parish, 55, 195. 

St. Stephen's Parish, 60, 209, 212. 

Swilliwan, 42. 

Swinford, 190. 

Svdnor, 124, 169. 

Sykes, 33. 

Syme, 121. 

Tabb, 67. 

Talbot, 119. 

Taliaferro, 299. 

Tallv, 120, 122, 127. 

Tasker, 142. 

Tassenari, 146. 

Tate, 173. 

Tavloe, 74, 75, 142. 

TaVlor, 42, 75, 78, 79, 81, 88, 117, 118, 

120, 123, 128, 169, 171, 172, 174, 
178, 181, 200, 211, 215, 219, 237, 
239, 244, 299. 

Temple, 75. 

"Temple Farm." 53. 73, 74. 75. 

Terrell (Terrill), 53, 169. 

Tevis, 137. 

Thacker, 81, 238, 270. 

Thaddeus, 187. 

Thilman. 122, 125, 169, 171. 

Thorn. 176. 177. 179. 

Thomas, 42, 225. 

Thomson, 124. 218. 

Thompson, 64, 65, 122. 126, 127, 213, 

Thorne, 41. 



'ihoraton, 61, 142, 171, 172, 278, 299. 

Throckmorton, 216. 

Tiller, 217. 

Tillotson, 284. 

Tilney, 41. 

Timberlake. 114, 126. 

Tindalls, 237. 

Tinsley, 116, 173, 279. 

Todd, 20-29, 54, 58, 87, 124, 216, 246, 

263, 265. 
Toler, 114, 116, 118, 126. 
Tomkies, 59. 
Tomlinscn, 171. 
Tompkins, 172. 
Torqinton, 237. 

Totopotomoy creek, 114, 173, 237. 
Tawnes, 194, 196. 
Townsend (Townshend), 42, 73, 75, 76, 

77, 81. 88, 235, 235, 242. 
Trabue, 141. 
Travis, 170. 
Treat, 135. 

Trevillian, 123, 169, 226. 
Triplett, 175-132. 
Trotter, 78, 242. 
Troupe, 269. 
Tmebart, 115. 
lrumbull, 238. 
Truro Parish, 184. 
Trusseil, 210. 
Tuckahoe, 45, 274. 
Tucker, 119, 223, 226, 250, 252. 
Tar ley, 182, 184, 185 
\ Turkey Island, 273, 274. 
] Turner, 32, 35, 42, 127, 171, 173, 217, 

"Tusculum," 138. 
"Two Penny Act," 8, 32. 
S Tyler, 20, 55, 65, 114, 122, 132, 217, 235, 

300, 303. 
Tyner, 188. 
Tyrant, 40. 
Tyree, 173., 

Underwood, 1*0, 87, 235, 241, 297. 
University of Virginia, 220. 
Upshott, 40. 

Utie, 73, 74, 76, 77, 78, 79, 235, 238, 241. 
"Utimaria," 74, 76, 77, 78, 79. 
Van Buren, 304. 
Van Soles, 41. 
Vaughan, 37, 239. 
Vaus, 85. 239, 242. 
Verdon, 149. 
Vernon. 205. 
Via, 118, 121. 
Vincent, 140, 229. 
Vine, 121. 

Virginia Company, 89-99. 

Virginia Gazette, 62, 108, 130, 180, 217, 

Virginia Historical Collections, 219. 

Virginia Historical Society, 217, 227. 

Virginia Magazine of History and Biog- 
raphy, 2, 5, 6, 7 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 
15, 16, 17, 18, 270. 

Virginia State Library, 109, 177. 

Volalock, 125. 

Wade. 121, 126. 

Waddy, 120, 170, 276. 

Wager, 54, 58. 

Wagman, 41. 

Wagner, 297. 

Vvaggeman (Wagman),, 41. 

Wagget, 87. 

Wake, 284. 

Waldoe, 79. 

Waldon, 87. 

Waldren, 246. 

Walker, 36, 49, 55. 132, 231. 

Wall, 32, 36, 37. 

Wallace, 55, 191, 263. 

Walsh, 278. 

Walter, 272. 

Walthan, 40. 

Waller, 4, 170, 270, 297. 

Walley, 41. 

Wallis, 80. 

Walsh, 278. 

Warden, 127. 

Warren, 48, 78, 119, 120. 

Warwick, 95, 161, 162, 163, 164, 165, 
166, 167, 168. 

Washington, 68, 74, 138, 141, 146, 178, 
187, 279, 300. 

Washington and Lee trnlversity, 20. 

Was ley, 171. 

Wastneys (Westneys), 277. 

Watkeys, 79, 240, 241. 

Watkina, 129, 130, 137, 193. 

Watson, 32, 38, 40, 82, 125. 

Watt, 32. 

Watts, 78, 87, 169. 

Waughop Family, 271-272. 

Wayiand, 3Q5. 

Wayne, 77. 

Webster, 40. 

Webb, 216, 217. 

Wellford. 142. 

Wells. 246. 

Wertenbaker. 302. 

Wescombe, 82. 

We«t. 55, 65, 73. 74\ 76, 77, 78, 79. 82. 
. 84. 85, 88 11 8. 235, 236. 237. 

Westerlinke, 242. 

Westbury, 132, 275. 



WesterUng, 84. 

Westover, 44, 45, 86, 227. 

Westover Parish, 58, 273. 

Westwood, 132. 

Wetherford 241. 

Whealor, 169. 

Wheatiey, 41, 186. 

Wheeler, 49, 197, 198. 

Wherrett, 272. 

Whitby, 237, 297. 

Wnite, 42, 115, 117, 120, 121, 126, 186, 

Whitehall", 52. - 

Whitley, 297. 

Whitlock, 173. 

Wiatt, 170 (see Wyatt). 

Wickham, 142. 

Wiekliffe, 186. 

Wicomico Parish, 212, 214. 

Wilbrookes, 41. 

Willcox, 218. 

"Wild Horn," 120. 

Wilkins, 32, 33, 34, 35, 37. 

Wilkinson, 42, 129, 130, 142, 239, 244. 

Williams, 37. 200, 240. 

Williamson, ^17. 

Williamsburg (Middle Plantation), 20, 
22, 24, 25. 26, 28. 29, 45, 46, 48, 49, 
54, 57, 59, 60, 67, 68, 70, 74, 76, 
140, 170, 171, 216, 217, 218, 219, 
220, 22o, 226, 241, 250, 252, 256, 
281, 29*, 298. 

Williamsburg, The Old Colonial Capitol, 

William and Mary College Historical 
Catalogue, 2i8, 2V 

William and Mary Charter, 285. 

William and Marv College Library, 68, 

William and Mary College, 2, 4, 8, 20, 
21, 22, 25, 28. 29, 45. 46, 47, 51, 60, 
68, 75, 132, 142, 219. 220, 225, 263, 
264, 274, 231, 293, 300. 

William and Marr University, 264. 

Willis, 52, 59, 79," 242, 244. 

Wilmington Parish, 55. 

Wilmot, 137. 

Willoughby, 79, 14U. 

X Wingaf 

Wilson, 191, 297. 
Wills, 59, 62, 63. 
Wmbourn, 199, 204, 217. 
Windsor, 190. 

t« (Wingatte), 77, 78. . 
Wingneld, ot, 119, 125 
Wlnne (Winn), 80, 116, 118, 120, 126, 

Winston, 115, 119, 123, 124, 125, 126, 

171, 173, 279. 
Winters, 212. 
Wirt, 4, 9, 15, 16, 108, 138, 221, 222, 

223, 224, 225, 226, 227, 250-257. 
Wirz, 42, 72. 
Wise, 224. 
Withers, 190. 
Witbingtop, 52. 
Wolstenholme, 162. 
-Wood, 62, 134. 211. 
Woodburn, 71, 72, 142, 143. 
Woodford, 22, 61, 71, 72, 142, 143. 
Woodson, 194. 
Woolfolk, 51, 200. 
Wormele7, 46, 53, 65, 66, 76, 84, 85, 137, 

142, 242. 
Wortham, 201. 
Worth ington, 188. 
Wotten, 246. 
Wray, 132, 141. 

Wright, 126, 141, 204, 207, 217. 
Wyatt (Wiatt), 73, 77, 78, 79, 170, 172, 

188, 235, 236. 
Wyche, 36. 
W 7 ynne, o5, 160. 

Wythe, 4, 13, 15, 16, 68, 251, 256, 297. 
Yarbrough, 171. 
lates, 142, 270. 
Yeamans, 115, 119, 121. 
Yeardley ( Yardley), 42, 53, 93, 237, 

Yolkcom, 230, 231. 
Yorkhampton Parish, 76. 
York County Records, 52, 73-89. 
York Parish, 76. 
York Plantation, 75, 76, 77. 
lorktown, 59, 73, 74, 75, 76, 235. 
Young, 271, 272. 




Adams, Charles Francis, 304. 
Allen Family Records, 194-197. 
Ambler, Dr. Charles H^ and William 

Wirt, 222. 
Anderson, Lt.-CoL Richard Clough, 142. 
Aristocracy in Virginia, Its Character, 

Arm i stead Family, 64-67. 
Barraud, Dr. John Taylor, Pupil of Sir 

Astley Cooper, 219. 
Battle Family, 207. 
Beverley Letter Book, 216. 
Berkeley, Sir William and Lord 

Byron, 248. 
Bishop of London's Gift to the College, 

Blair, John, Jr., Address on, 142. 
Book Reviews, 71-72, 142-143, 301-305. 
Brooke Family, 67. 
Bruce, Philip Alexander, 143, 249. 
Burgesses, Journal of the, 54-61. 
Bruton Parish Church, Wings of, 55. 
Clay, Sir John, 129. 
Clockraakers in Williamsburg, 217. 
Cole-Roscow-Dickexson, 63-ti4. 
Common People of Virginia, 227. 
Coste, Dr. John F., His Address, 67. 
Coutanceu and Waughop Family, 271- 

Cumberland County and Independence, 

Daniel Family, 197. 
Dark, Gen. William, 70. 
Dig?* 9 ' G° T - Edward, His Plantation, 

Eaton, Thomas, His Free School, 58. 
Fishermen in New England, 221. 
Floyd, Letter of Mrs. Letitia, 30-31. 
Fontaine, William Winston, 142. 
A Forgotten Ceremonial, 67, 68. 
Foreman, E, S., 302. 
Free School of Thomas Eaton, 58. 
German Protestants in Spottsylvania Co., 

. 56, 57. 
Greensville County Records, 31*38. 
Greeaway, Dr. John, Botanist, 193. 
Hall Familt of Tacony, Philadelphia' 

County, Penn., 134-140, 265-26S. 
Hanover County Records, 114 131, 


Hardwicke, Kincheloe and Related 
Families, 182-192. 

Hening, William Waller, His Descend- 
ants, 297. 

Henry, Patrick, William Wirt's Life 
of, 250-259. 

Henry, Patrick, His Speech in the Con- 
vention of 1775, 252; His Manners 
and Dress, 254, 255. 

Hobday, John, Inventor of a Threshing 
Machine, 217. 

Honor System, 219. 

Hungars Parish Records, 39-43. 

Hunt, William Pitt, and Thomas 
Pitt, 193. 

Independence First Declared in Cum- 
berland Co., 298. 

Iron Works, 59. 

Jamestown, Ravages of the Water at, 60. 

Johnson, Andrew, and Thaddeus Stevens, 
71, 143. 

Johnson Family, 277-279. 

King's Creek Plantation, 74, 75. 

Lee, Richard Henry, Described, 256. 

Letters: Judge Thom,as Todd, of Ken- 
tucky, to His Son Charles at Wil- 
liam and Mary College, 20-29; Mrs. 
Letitia Floyd to Benjamin Howard 
Peyton, 30*; Rev. Thomas Hall to 
Dr. Rush, 145-160; Upton Beale to 
William Harwood, 192; William 
Wirt to St. George Tucker, 250 252. 

Libraries: Thomas Hall's, 151, 153; 
Gen. Thomas Nelson's, 159. 

Lincoln's War Policy, 72, 303, 304. 

Lowther Family, 205. 

Marnix Family. 144). 

Mason, James, 216. 

Massie, Capt. John, 216. 

Minor, Raleigh C, Author of a Text- 
Book, 301. 

NaNsemond County; Records Destroyed, 
59; Vestry Book, 217. 

Negroes, Their Conduct Durino the 
Southern War, 258-263. 

"New School Historians," 228. 

Nottoway Indians. 60. 

Old Usage of Words, 249, 250. 

Palisades of Middle Plantation, 73. 

PjeiuUeton-Bowie, 2UU, 3WJ. 

Point Comfort, Battery at, 56. 



Tex Popes or Northumberland County, 

Powder Magazine in Wililsjnsburg, 55. 
Preasley Family, 209. 
Providence, New Kent; Forge, Grist 

Mills and Saw Mill* at, 70. 
Queries: Stanton-Miller, 69; Murray- 
Payne, 69; Gen. William Dark, 70; 

Berry, 141; Degges, 141; Freeman, 

Randolph, Sir John, Made Speaker, 59. 
Ruffin, Diary of Edmund, 258-263. 
Sands, Alexander H. G., 298. 
Smtth-Shelton-Houston and Jones, 

276, 277. 
Stamp Act, 13. 
Stanard Family, 268-271. 
Stevens, Thaddeus, 71, 142, 143. 
Stephenson, Dr. N. W., 89, 160, 303. 
Sytth Family, 44-51, 131-134, 197-209, 

Strotber, Heirs of William, Gent. 300. 
Stuabt, Col. John, of Green Brier, 

Narrative of, 229-235. 
Temple Farm, 75. 
Text Book (1764), 217. 
Throckmorton Family, 216. 
Thorn ton -Taliaferro, 299. 
Tobacco Called "E. Dees," 74. 
Transylvania Seminary, Petition of, 

Trtplett Family, 175-182. 
Tucker, St. George, His Notes on Wirt's 

Life of Henry, 252-257. 
Tyler, John, Builder of the Powder 

Magazine and the Two Wings of the 

Church, 55. 

Utie, Capt. John, Settles on York River, 

Virginia Company of London, Some 
Inner History of, 89-99, 160-169. 

Virginia Committee of Correspon- 
dence, 1-20, 99-113. 

Tirginia, Arrivals in London from, 
52, 53. 

Virginia, Society in East, 221-228, 252. 

Virginia: Independence of All Classes, 
221-228, 252; Overseers in, 253; No 
Party Spirit in, 253; Conduct of 
Negroes During War Between the 
States, 258-262. 

West, Capt. John, Settles on York River, 

Whig Party, 303. 

William and Mary College: Riot at, 
22; Books Given to, 141; Latin 
Text Book in 1764, 217; Statutes of 
1736, .280-297; Dr. John F. Coste 
at, 67; Students at, 217, 218; De- 
grees Conferred, 297 ; Book3 Used 
in Grammar School in 1838, 298, 

W r iLUAMSBURO : Wings of Bruton Church 
Erected, 55; Magazine Erected, 55; 
French Army in, 68. 

Wirt, William, Llte of Patrick Henry, 

Wirz, Major, Hanging of, 72. 

Woodburn, James A., 71, 142. 

Wythe House, Headquarters, 68. k 

York County, Notes from the Records 
of, 73-89, 235-248. 

York Plantation, 75. 

York River, First Child Born on, 74. 

Yorktown, Site of, Patented by Capt. 
Nicholas Martieu, 74, 75. 




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